
News Summary
Prepared by AI. Editorially reviewed.
- Iranian state media has confirmed the death of Ali Larijani, the most powerful figure following the assassination of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
- Israel’s Defense Minister claimed Larijani died during the US-Israel war operations, a claim Iran has acknowledged.
- Larijani held postgraduate degrees in Western philosophy, authored books on Immanuel Kant, and played a key role in Iran’s political and philosophical spheres.
March 20, Kathmandu – According to Iranian state media, Ali Larijani, who emerged as Iran’s most influential figure after the assassination of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has died.
Following Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant’s claim that Larijani, aged 67, was killed during overnight US-Israel strikes against Iran, Tehran confirmed his death on Tuesday.
Similarly, Brigadier General Gholamreza Soleimani, head of Iran’s Basij paramilitary forces, was also reported dead in a separate attack by Iranian media on the same day. Larijani, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, was last publicly seen at the Al-Quds Day parade in Tehran. Following the death of Khamenei on February 28, Larijani became the highest-ranking Iranian official to be killed by Israel during the ongoing conflict.
For decades, Larijani was known as the calm and pragmatic face of Iran’s ruling establishment. He had written a book on the 18th-century German philosopher Immanuel Kant and was a key negotiator in nuclear talks with Western nations. However, on March 1, he exhibited a surprising shift in his security role.
Appearing on state television 24 hours after US and Israeli airstrikes killed Khamenei and Revolutionary Guard Commander Mohammad Pakpour, Larijani delivered an aggressive message. On social media, he stated, “The United States and the Zionist regime (Israel) have set fire to the heart of the Iranian nation. We will burn their hearts. We will make these Zionist criminals and shameless Americans regret their actions.”
He further warned, “Brave soldiers and the great Iranian nation will teach these hellish international oppressors lessons they will never forget.”
Larijani had previously accused former US President Donald Trump of being entangled in Israel’s intrigues. After Khamenei’s assassination, Larijani played a significant role in the three-member interim council governing Iran.
The Iranian Kennedy
Born on June 3, 1958, in the well-established city of Amol, Larijani was dubbed “Iran’s Kennedy” by Time magazine in 2009.
His father, Mirza Hashem Amoli, was a renowned religious scholar. Larijani’s brothers have also held high positions within Iran’s powerful bodies such as the judiciary and the Assembly of Experts — the council responsible for selecting and overseeing the Supreme Leader.
Larijani’s personal ties to the elite class of post-1979 Iranian revolution were deep. He married Farideh Motahari at age 20, daughter of Morteza Motahari, a close trusted aide of the Islamic Republic’s founder Ruhollah Khomeini.
Despite his family’s conservative religious background, his children have led diverse lives. His daughter Fatemeh earned her medical degree from Tehran University and completed further specialization at Cleveland State University in Ohio, USA.
The Mathematician Philosopher
Unlike many colleagues trained solely in religious seminaries, Larijani also possessed a secular educational foundation. In 1979, he earned a bachelor’s degree in mathematics and computer science from Sharif University of Technology. He then completed postgraduate and doctoral studies in Western philosophy at Tehran University, where he focused his research on Immanuel Kant.
Throughout his political career, Larijani maintained active engagement in philosophy. Especially through works based on Kant’s thought, he sought epistemological foundations for science, mathematics, and religious knowledge.
This intellectual aspect distinguished him among contemporary political figures, as one who combined active state leadership with serious philosophical inquiry.
Larijani’s philosophical interests occupy a unique place in contemporary Iranian intellectual life. His curiosity in philosophical work stems from the direction of his research.
In a nation where dominant intellectual currents largely revolve around critiques of Western modernity or the revival of classical Islamic philosophy, Larijani chose a path deeply connected with a leading figure of modern Western thought — Immanuel Kant.
Since mid-20th century, Iranian philosophical debates have primarily developed within two influential currents. One, inspired by Martin Heidegger, centers on existential critiques of Western civilization — especially linked to Ahmad Fardid’s intellectual tradition. This current considers modern Western rationality spiritually void and historically exhausted, advocating a return to more fundamental spiritual horizons beyond modern technological civilization.
The second is focused on reviving Islamic metaphysics through the tradition known as Hikmat al-Muta’aliyah (‘Transcendent Philosophy’), mainly associated with Muhammad Husayn Tabatabai and based on Mulla Sadra’s philosophical synthesis. This tradition attempts to harmonize rational philosophy with mystical intuition, presenting knowledge as a product of both reason and spiritual experience.
Within this context, Larijani’s engagement with Kant represents a fascinating intellectual development. Kant is generally not a philosopher who attracts critics of Western modernity.

Conversely, Kant stands as a remarkable pillar of modern rational philosophical thought. His philosophy established a foundational framework shaping modern epistemology, ethics, and the philosophical understanding of science. Yet, Kant’s project was also a profound effort to redefine the place of religion within modern intellectual systems.
Larijani’s philosophical work shows deep commitment to Kant’s project. He authored three books specifically focusing on Kant’s philosophy.
His first book, “Ravesh-e Riyazi” (Mathematical Method), explores Kant’s philosophy of mathematics. It investigates the epistemological foundations of mathematical knowledge in Kant’s thought.
He particularly explains the idea that mathematical propositions are not merely empirical generalizations but hold a unique epistemic status grounded in human cognitive structures.
His second book, “Metaphysics or Ulum-e Daqideh” (Metaphysics and Science), addresses the distinction between metaphysical and scientific knowledge.
The third book, “Shuhud va Kajaya-ye Talifi-ye Ma-Taqaddom” (Intuition and Synthetic A Priori Propositions), focuses on the concept of synthetic a priori and the role of intuition in human cognition. In Kant’s philosophy, synthetic a priori propositions form the foundation of mathematics and natural science, as they express knowledge that is necessarily true yet not derived from empirical observation.
According to Kantian epistemology, certain forms of knowledge arise more from cognitive structures than from experience. A famous example Kant gave is the mathematical proposition 5 + 7 = 12, which is not learned solely from observation but arises from inherent structures organizing human understanding. Kant termed this “synthetic a priori” because it extends knowledge independently from empirical verification.
Larijani argues this epistemological principle extends beyond mathematics and science to broader domains.
If the foundation of scientific and mathematical knowledge depends on a priori cognitive intuitions, then intuition-based religious knowledge cannot easily be dismissed as irrational or inferior.
In his interpretation, scientific and religious knowledge ultimately rest on fundamental intuitions. Though expressed in different fields and methodologies, no category holds complete epistemic superiority.
This positions Larijani at an interesting philosophical juncture. He suggests scientific, mathematical, and religious knowledge are not opposed but represent different forms based on human cognitive intuitions.
Scientific reasoning relies on synthetic a priori structures that enable mathematics and physical sciences. In contrast, religious and metaphysical knowledge rely on existential or spiritual intuition. Both forms of knowledge rest upon foundations that empirical methods cannot verify.
Larijani’s philosophical project can be understood as an attempt to reinterpret Kant within modern epistemology in a way that preserves the legitimacy of religious knowledge. Kant himself made a similar effort in his famous book “Religion Within the Limits of Reason Alone,” redefining religion.
Kant’s system distinguished crucially between theoretical and practical reason. In “Critique of Pure Reason,” Kant denied that theoretical reason could prove the existence of God or the immortality of the soul, arguing that metaphysical proofs exceed human cognitive limits.
However, in “Critique of Practical Reason,” Kant reintroduced God, freedom, and immortality as necessary postulates for moral reasoning—essentially moral necessities rather than theoretical conclusions.
This tension between the limits of theoretical reason and affirmation of moral faith became a decisive problem in modern philosophy. Subsequent traditions mostly developed as responses to this divide.
Some thinkers rejected Kant’s moral metaphysics, adopting his critical epistemology and fueling strict scientific rationalism, while others emphasized Kant’s moral philosophy.
A third tradition sought unity between reason and historical existence, attempting to transcend Kant’s dualism—its pinnacle emerged in the dialectical philosophies of Hegel and Marx.
Larijani moves Kant’s interpretation closer to existential perspectives, yet uniquely. He does not reject rationality but tries to expand the concept of “intuition” as a shared basis for different domains of knowledge.
Nonetheless, his career’s core remains his political stances.
In the early 1980s, Larijani joined the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Subsequently, he entered government service, serving as Minister of Culture from 1994 to 1997 under President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and heading the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) from 1994 to 2004.
During his tenure at IRIB, Larijani faced strong criticism from reformists accusing his strict policies of pushing Iranian youth toward foreign media.
From 2008 to 2020, he served three consecutive terms as Speaker of Parliament (Majlis), playing a vital role in shaping domestic and foreign policy.
Return to Security Sector
Larijani ran as a hardline candidate in the 2005 presidential election but failed to pass the second round. That same year, he became secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and chief nuclear negotiator.
Due to disagreements with then-President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s nuclear policies, he resigned in 2007.
He returned to parliament in 2008, winning a seat from the religious stronghold of Qom and becoming Speaker, which enhanced his influence over nuclear issues.
Larijani played a key role in parliamentary approval of the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear agreement between Iran and world powers.
After stepping down as Speaker and MP in 2020, he unsuccessfully ran again for president in 2021 but was disqualified by the Guardian Council. In 2024, he faced disqualification again.
Though the council gave no explicit reasons, analysts see this as a strategic move to clear the path for hardline candidate Ebrahim Raisi, who later won the election. Larijani criticized his disqualification as “non-transparent.”
However, in August 2025, President Masoud Pezeshkian reappointed him as secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, marking his return to a powerful position.
Since assuming this role, his stance has hardened. According to reports released in October 2025, Larijani canceled cooperation agreements with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and declared its reports “ineffective.”
(With agency assistance)





