
This news summary has been prepared after editorial review. US President Donald Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth have violated international law by showing disregard for civilian protection in their war against Iran. Thousands have been killed and millions displaced in Iran, Lebanon, and Israel, highlighting the extensive humanitarian impact of the conflict. Governments must collect evidence of war crimes from satellite images, communication records, and footage and provide additional resources to the United Nations.
For decades, leaders responsible for war crimes have tried to appear ignorant of these issues or sought to justify these crimes as mere mistakes. However, the recent developments in West Asia clearly reflect the arrogant stance of leaders from the US, Israel, and Iran. They are outright neglecting, mocking, or openly violating international laws meant to protect civilians. If the international community does not clearly reaffirm its support for these laws, it will amount to tacit approval of their destruction.
President Trump conveyed to The New York Times that “international law is unnecessary” and that his greatest basis for controlling power is his own “morality,” while Secretary Hegseth dismissed “tepid legality” in favor of maximum lethality. Both have publicly shown minimal concern for protecting civilians affected by America’s war on Iran. The conflict recently entered its second month. After the US announced the destruction of Iran’s Kharg Island, Trump told NBC News, “We might hit it a few more times just for fun.” Defense Secretary Hegseth declared that Iran’s enemies would receive “no forgiveness or mercy,” implying authorization to kill surrendering forces rather than detain them—practices historically cited by the US military as examples of war crimes. Beyond the Trump administration, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz threatened to destroy homes in southern Lebanon and prevent the resettlement of millions during the Gaza conflict.
Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has also designated American banks, investment companies, and commercial vessels as legitimate civilian targets. Its spokespeople warned that any opposition would face strikes even harsher than the January massacre that killed thousands nationwide. State television hosts further warned that overseas dissidents would face consequences that would plunge their families into mourning. These statements clearly demonstrate disregard for civilian life and suggest the intent to carry out such acts, demanding urgent attention.
More than 2,000 people have died in Iran, over 1,200 in Lebanon, and 17 in Israel. Millions have been displaced or forced to flee their homes across the Gulf, Israel, and Lebanon. Preliminary US military reports attribute responsibility to US forces for an attack on a primary school in Minab, Iran, where more than 170 children and staff were killed. Governments with advanced intelligence capabilities in South Asia must begin securing and publicly releasing evidence of war crimes—including satellite images, communication records, and open-source footage. It is also confirmed that the Israeli military has used white phosphorus in Lebanese homes, a substance banned in civilian areas, and that Iran has launched internationally prohibited cluster munitions into Israeli cities. International laws intended to protect civilians have not been suddenly violated without cause.
While Israel’s massacre in Gaza, destroying hospitals and water systems and killing thousands of Palestinians, was backed by the US—elevating some leaders above the law—this has fostered a double standard that diminishes the value of legal norms. Although attacks on energy infrastructure in the Gulf by Iran were promptly condemned, governments have remained silent over Israel’s illegal use of white phosphorus. Leaders must explicitly state that any attacks on Iranian energy sites, Lebanese homes, or Gulf civilian areas violate the laws of war. Otherwise, these rules will become mere instruments to punish only one’s adversaries. The Geneva Conventions not only require states to observe these laws but also empower the international community to halt weapons deliveries to militaries and groups that fail to comply. Yet many warring parties continue to receive arms, a matter that urgently demands thorough review.
Opportunistic European governments are indirectly supporting illegal airstrikes. If the actions of US and Israeli forces align with their leaders’ irresponsible rhetoric, the countries supplying them weapons may also be complicit in war crimes. Documentation and accountability, as seen in former Yugoslavia and recent Ukraine conflicts, must occur during wartime, not afterward. But warring parties in West Asia have reversed this practice. Iran has shut down internet access and imprisoned those sharing videos of attacks. Israel has blocked live broadcasts and detained journalists. Gulf countries are punishing citizens posting images online. In the US, the Federal Communications Commission condemned the Trump administration and threatened to revoke licenses of broadcasters covering the Iran conflict. Governments must promptly preserve and publicize war crimes evidence and provide additional resources to the UN. Justice must be clear at any time. Waiting until hostilities cease risks losing crucial evidence and political will. Warring parties know this well and may be relying on it.
Leaders who reject the laws of war imagine they can benefit from lawlessness, where brutal force settles all questions and harm to civilians is dismissed as “collateral damage.” But one violation cannot justify another. Such obligatory retaliation endangers both sides. Supporting the existing system to control war’s brutality is essential; otherwise, when the world burns in future conflicts, we will have to answer why we remained silent.





