The election results in the Indian states of West Bengal and Kerala have dealt a severe blow to leftist parties, while Nepal’s left-wing factions continue to grapple with their own electoral setbacks. In Nepal’s recent House of Representatives election, communist parties secured only 42 seats, indicating they are unlikely to return to power for the next five years. Nepali Communist Party (NCP) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ has decided to initiate party restructuring and pursue leftist unity, though divisions among leaders persist.
On April 6, Kathmandu: Political circles in Nepal are closely analyzing the outcomes of recent elections held in India’s southern states. The electoral defeat of leftist parties in traditionally left-leaning states like West Bengal and Kerala has captured the attention of both political leaders and the general public in Nepal. Notably, this marks the first time in five decades that no left party has won government in any Indian state.
West Bengal, which had been under communist influence for 34 years and non-leftist governance since 2011, witnessed a major shift when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) defeated the Trinamool Congress to secure a majority. Of the 294 assembly seats contested, leftist parties managed to win only two seats. Similarly, in Kerala—another state historically governed by left parties—the Congress-led coalition won decisively. Out of 140 seats, Congress won 63, Indian Union Muslim League secured 22, with their allies taking another 17, while leftist parties secured just 35 seats. The joint Congress-left government in Kerala is generally viewed as having brought limited change.
The fall of leftist power in West Bengal has also had repercussions in Tripura, where non-left governance was recently established after 20 years of leftist rule, starting from 2018. Left-wing analyst Hari Roka attributes these defeats partly to the growing influence of right-wing populist movements globally, including in Nepal and India. However, he emphasizes that these populist forces expanded chiefly due to the left’s own weaknesses. “Left parties in West Bengal and Tripura abandoned their agendas, which distanced them from the people,” says Roka. “Nepal is experiencing a similar trend, and its consequences are now becoming evident.”
The defeat of Indian leftists is being watched with concern by Nepal’s left-wing factions. The recent federal election in Nepal also revealed the weakening of leftist parties, with a non-left government coming to power for the first time in 20 years. The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist), established in 1991 (2048 BS), won just 25 seats—9 through direct elections and 16 through proportional representation. The Nepal Communist Party (including Maoists), in power since 2006 (2063 BS), won 17 seats, totaling 42 seats nationwide. In contrast, in the 2017 election (2074 BS), communist parties held power nationally, enjoying approximately two-thirds majority in six out of the seven provinces. However, in the recent election, the ruling coalition Nepali Congress won 182 seats, indicating that leftist leadership is unlikely for the next five years.
Leftist parties showed significant weaknesses in proportional votes as well. UML received 1,455,885 votes (13.43%), and NCP garnered 811,577 votes (7.49%). Other smaller left parties failed to cross the electoral threshold. Except for the 1958 election (2015 BS), such poor results have never been recorded by leftist factions. This outcome has caused considerable distress among Nepal’s leftists. NCP spokesperson Prakash Jwala noted, “Except for Sri Lanka, leftist parties have suffered historic defeats in South Asia. India’s recent loss adds further concern.”
In the aftermath of this defeat, Nepal’s left-wing leaders have yet to conduct a comprehensive review or heal the wounds exposed by India’s electoral results. The UML in particular is facing a severe crisis, and the process of evaluation has not yet commenced. Still, leaders acknowledge the necessity of introspection and reform. Vice Chairman Gokarna Bista stated, “We must seriously review what was lacking between our rhetoric and actions to safeguard the party, and to understand the changing desires of the people.”
Analyst Hari Roka remarks that the Nepali left’s failure stems from ignoring the public’s demands and supporting only select corporate interests, which alienated ordinary citizens and fueled populism. Reflecting on the massive victory during the first Constituent Assembly election held after the decade-long armed insurgency in 2008 (2064 BS), Prachanda is preparing to restructure his party. A Central Committee meeting running from March 31 (Chaitra 19) to April 27 (Baisakh 14) plans to announce a major unification congress slated for next December. This conclave is expected to initiate leadership restructuring.
Prachanda has publicly expressed his commitment to left unity, issuing statements that have sometimes unsettled other leaders. Following the Coordinating Committee’s decisions, spokesperson Prakash Jwala acknowledged on April 6 the intention to work toward uniting communist parties. The statement reads, “Along with party restructuring, special initiatives will be undertaken for the overall restructuring of the communist movement and the formation of a unified party.” On the occasion of Communist Party Foundation Day, Prachanda also emphasized the necessity of left unity, stating on April 22, “Unity among all leftists carrying the goals of socialism and communism is essential for today’s requirements.”
Meanwhile, certain leaders supporting UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli have also begun efforts to forge communist unity, further complicating internal dynamics. One UML leader said, “We tried to unite under the leadership of KP Oli and Prachanda, but that effort failed beforehand.” Former Finance Minister and NCP leader Barshaman Pun has expressed skepticism about immediate unification, stating, “Problems cannot be resolved by just bringing everyone together; parties must first be restructured individually before discussions can proceed.”
Despite this humiliating defeat, Nepal’s leftists remain indecisive about whether to retain Oli and Prachanda or select new leadership for the restructuring process. The absence of a UML review meeting reflects these divisions. Many leftist leaders and analysts argue that restructuring leadership is crucial for the revival of Nepal’s leftist forces. Analyst Roka explains, “Populism cannot resolve the country’s problems; therefore, the left can rise again, but only with leadership renewal.”
Deputy Chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (United) Ghanshyam Bhusal attributes the left’s defeat to weak leadership. “Communists made possible Nepal’s democracy and national identity, but the lack of effective leadership led to our defeat,” Bhusal said. According to him, Oli and Prachanda turned the movement into a mere power play, which prevented the public from understanding the true spirit of the leftist movement.
