The Congressional Research Service of the US Congress has released a report on Nepal’s new political leadership and power dynamics. The report characterizes the alliance between Balen and RASWPA as a ‘marriage of convenience,’ meaning an alliance driven by circumstance rather than deep ideological unity. It also covers the violent protests of September 2025, Oli’s resignation, and RASWPA’s electoral success. Kathmandu, April 14.
The US Congressional Research Service published a document titled ‘Nepal’s Parliamentary Election’ on March 31, 2026, examining the emergence of new political leadership and shifting power equations in Nepal, moving away from established old forces. The report describes the alliance between former independent Kathmandu mayor Balendra Shah (Balen) and the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RASWPA) as less about ideological cohesion and more of a ‘marriage of convenience’—a strategic alliance formed due to prevailing circumstances.
The report provides an in-depth analysis of Nepal’s recent internal political turmoil, the Genji uprising, geopolitical challenges, and the new power configuration born from these events. It portrays RASWPA as a relatively new and centrist political party. The document notes that frequent changes in alliances among political leaders have undermined political stability in the country.
Quoting analysts, the report describes Balen Shah’s electoral coalition with RASWPA, despite his independent mayoral background, as a strategic and self-interested alliance—a ‘marriage of convenience.’ It underscores Balen’s mixed track record as mayor and a lack of clarity in administrative planning. Regarding potential challenges facing the new government, the report warns, ‘The new RASWPA-led government will likely have to confront potential tensions between Balen Shah and RASWPA leadership as a primary challenge moving forward.’
After the Sugauli Treaty, Nepal lost its geopolitical strength and economic potential, becoming vulnerable under the pressure of global powers.
Following the Treaty of Kanagawa, Japan acknowledged its weaknesses, modernized rapidly, and emerged as a regional superpower.
Post-Sugauli, Nepal was mired in internal conflicts and power struggles, failing to enhance national capacity.
Throughout world history, a persistent truth resurfaces: as global powers rise, geopolitical storms affect all nations, yet not all advance equally. Some turn pressures into opportunities and rewrite their destiny, while others vanish or are pushed to the margins by the waves of change.
Nepal’s current marginal position amid geopolitical turmoil is a harsh reality we all must recognize. Following treaties with dominant global powers, today’s generations move around the world in a state of implicit economic subjugation. It is crucial to understand that after such historic turning points, Japan transformed its defeat into a “wake-up call” and achieved a tremendous leap toward modernization.
In this context, the historical parallels between Japan’s modernization process and Nepal’s treaty experiences are striking. I had the opportunity to interact with a renowned Japanese scientist who has developed new earthquake-resistant alloys.
The scientist, attending a conference in Nepal, expressed interest in Nepal’s current economic and political situation.
Japan’s journey to becoming a great power centers on the mantra, “We were weak; we must change immediately.” This awareness propelled Japan toward continuous transformation.
He linked Japan’s state after the Meiji Restoration to the Treaty of Kanagawa and said, “Youth must understand history; it is useful even in science.” He shared insights into Japan’s development in modern economics and scientific education.
This brief exchange revealed that Japanese scientists are not confined to laboratories but are also thinkers deeply engaged in history, geopolitics, and nation-building. This comprehensive understanding is the true foundation of Japan’s modernization.
By contrast, Nepal signed the Treaty of Kanagawa’s counterpart, the Sugauli Treaty, about 38 years earlier, yet results diverged significantly. Where Japan converted defeat into opportunity, Nepal lost both geopolitical power and economic prospects.
The Rana regime brought stability but missed the chance for economic transformation. This article compares Japan’s development trajectory to Nepal’s post-Sugauli errors.
What was Nepal’s state before the Sugauli Treaty? King Prithvi Narayan Shah unified small states, laying the foundation of modern Nepal by securing strategic economic and trade centers and creating centralized power.
His achievements in a limited time helped safeguard the nation.
Meanwhile, Europe was engulfed in wars and scientific revolutions, and Britain was rising as a world power through the Industrial Revolution. Japan, under the Edo era, remained isolated from foreign influence. China was an economic superpower, and Korea was under Chinese influence.
Amidst this global environment, the Sugauli Treaty was signed. Britain was expanding its Indian empire, and Nepal fought a major war that shifted the balance of power at the time.
After defeat, Nepal lost about one-third of its territory and was forced into disadvantageous treaties. Lack of foresight in the political leadership caused profound grief for Nepal.
In contrast, Japan signed the Treaty of Kanagawa with the United States and chose the path of modernization that led it to become a powerful nation. Nepal missed this opportunity.
Internal strife and power struggles after the treaty prevented Nepal from building national capacity. Even with leadership changes, no awakening comparable to China’s “wake-up” was evident in Nepal.
Looking at Northeast Asia, it is clear how Nepal weakened under economic and geopolitical pressures.
The question of how Japan became a powerhouse after being forced by the U.S. into trade agreements is highly relevant to Nepal. While Nepal missed diplomatic opportunities, Japan used them constructively.
After the Sugauli Treaty, Nepal became a pawn in the hands of world powers and was entangled in internal conflicts. It failed to build networks for nation-building or collaborate effectively with Britain. Japan, however, progressed by constructing a system for prosperity.
Following the opening to the West, Japan abandoned isolation and achieved significant advances in military, education, and industrial sectors. Under Emperor Meiji, Japan adopted British-style governance and entered a new era.
In a meeting with Professor Sadaori Sadoshima of Waseda University, Japan’s imperial expansion and attendant regional growth were discussed. The message conveyed was clear: Nepal should learn from its errors post-Sugauli Treaty.
Japan extended influence over Korea, Taiwan, and China, becoming a superpower in the Asia-Pacific region—an important history Nepal must consider.
Despite devastating losses, post-World War II Japan emerged as the world’s second-largest economy, competing with the United States—an extraordinary model of development.
While China and Korea lost ground, Nepal’s situation appears bleak. Failure to prioritize modernization in time has left Nepal vulnerable.
Under General Chung Hee Park, South Korea swiftly industrialized and developed technical education, achieving economic heights. Nepal’s King Mahendra restored stability but limited economic reforms contributed significantly to Nepal’s lagging status.
The Sugauli Treaty and the Lipulekh Dispute
Failure to establish modern economic capacity made Nepal an easy pawn for international power plays. Regional powers have repeatedly signed treaties influencing smaller states, with Nepal frequently on the weaker side and forced into silence.
After the Sugauli Treaty, Nepal became constrained, forced to concede water agreements and remain powerless at strategic border posts. Strategic locations like Lipulekh still face foreign pressures today.
Nepal must focus on qualitative improvements in education, military, and industry to build a foundation for a modern nation. Delay in decisive action will make history harsher.
Trade operations at Lipulekh without Nepal’s participation question Nepal’s sovereignty. The problems that started with the Sugauli Treaty persist, threatening Nepal’s very existence.
History shows countries like Japan, Korea, and China leveraged geopolitical challenges as opportunities—demonstrating the critical role of nation-building decisions.
What Should Nepal Do Now?
First, we must understand history. While global powers act in their own interest, countries remaining passive have their futures written by others. Denying weaknesses is dangerous.
Nepal failed to develop this awareness after the Sugauli Treaty, and it remains absent even after the Lipulekh incursions. Consequently, Nepal has long been subject to geopolitical pressure.
We have seen the annexation of Sikkim and witnessed geopolitical crises in nations like Ukraine and Iran. Diplomatic maneuvers alone will not safeguard Nepal’s territory. Often called a “bamboo between two stones,” Nepal consistently faces external pressures.
Now, Nepal must aim to become not a “motionless bridge” but a “dynamic hub” actively creating opportunities and advancing.
Substantive reforms in education, defense, and industry are essential to lay the foundation for a modern state. Delay will only deepen the challenges in history yet to come. The current leadership must take decisive steps, reflecting the consent of the people.
Nepali Congress conducted election review programs in Madhesh, Gandaki, and Lumbini provinces after suffering defeat in the House of Representatives elections.
The review revealed internal betrayal, lack of cooperation, and misunderstandings among supporters of the special general convention as major reasons for the loss.
Party President Gagan Thapa emphasized the need for unity within the party and urged respect for all leaders moving forward.
April 14, Kathmandu – Following its electoral defeat, Nepali Congress is conducting detailed election reviews across the provinces, starting a month after the elections concluded. The process began in Madhesh Province under the leadership of party President Gagan Thapa.
The party has completed reviews in Madhesh, Gandaki, and Lumbini provinces on March 24, 27, and 29 respectively.
Further review programs were scheduled for April 16 in Surkhet (Karnali Province), April 18 in Dhangadhi (Sudurpashchim Province), April 20 in Hetauda (Bagmati Province), and April 22 in Biratnagar (Koshi Province).
However, after the central office postponed the Surkhet review to April 24, the events in other provinces were also delayed accordingly.
Nepali Congress Karnali Province Secretary Niranjan KC released a statement informing that the provincial level review initially set for April 16 will now occur on April 24.
President Thapa, having lost to Rastriya Swatantra Party leader Dr. Amresh Kumar Singh in Sarlahi-4, visited Madhesh Province on March 24 to hold the first election review.
The review in Janakpur, Dhanusha, included participation from top leaders such as President Thapa, Vice President Pushpa Bhusal, General Secretary Gururaj Ghimire, Joint General Secretaries Farmulla Mansur and Dr. Dila Sangraula.
Congress evaluated candidates from 32 constituencies, regional and district chairs, province chairs, office bearers, and central representatives of Madhesh Province.
Attendees reported discussions focused on reasons for the defeat and future strategies.
Complaints regarding internal betrayal within the party surfaced, with accusations that some leaders withheld votes or failed to collaborate. Ramdev Shah, Congress Chair of Saptari, stated, “We discussed why the election was lost and the reasons behind it. Concerns arose about Congress obtaining fewer votes than active membership numbers.”
Shah added, “Those involved in betrayal must face disciplinary action. I clearly stated that action is necessary against those who failed to cooperate.”
Regional Secretary Rajesh Bhandari from Bara-3 also stressed the urgent need to end indiscipline, saying, “Those who obstruct must be punished. This should be seriously analyzed and disciplinary action intensified.”
Madhesh leaders cited multiple reasons for Congress’s loss, acknowledging that no single factor was responsible. They noted failure to grasp the wave of change and the defeat of honest leaders as significant issues, cautioning against hasty conclusions.
Outgoing party leaders aligned with former President Sher Bahadur Deuba, including Ramesh Rizal, Ajay Chaurasiya, and Dinesh Yadawal, participated in the review and urged President Thapa to unify and advance the party.
Leader Bhandari remarked, “We assured the president of our support and that we would unite the party. There is no alternative to Gagan Thapa; he must move forward.”
The review also addressed reforming the party’s membership system away from outdated methods. Saptari Chair Shah said, “Membership must be renewed, and organization strengthened accordingly.”
The special general convention issue was raised as well. Regional Secretary Bhandari commented, “Though the policy from the special general convention was good, the timing was poor. The Congress lost partly because it communicated with the public late.”
After Madhesh, the party conducted the Gandaki Province review on March 27 in Pokhara. Throughout this review, President Thapa appeared neither cheerful nor enthusiastic.
District chairs, candidates, and central officials delivered speeches during the session, which Thapa listened to attentively.
His demeanor differed significantly from that during the provincial assembly on January 6, prior to the elections on February 4.
It was only natural that President Thapa was not upbeat following a poor election outcome. As various leaders analyzed the results, he asked few questions.
Some leaders pointed out that the special general convention prevented party unity and sent negative signals before the election. Many described public opinion as a ‘storm’ that weakened Congress’s position.
Some attendees issued warning words against President Thapa, saying, “Previously, I battled with the ‘daís’ (elder brothers); now, do not fight with the special convention leadership too.”
Syangja Chair Raju Thapa urged President Thapa to collaborate with outgoing President Deuba and other leaders to move forward. He noted, “Earlier, the government and circumstances were not favorable to Congress; there was no protest.”
District Chair Raju Thapa emphasized that unity was the only option for Congress and urged focus on this effort. “It is time for you to take charge. Do not rise up against others next time,” he added.
The district chair clarified that vote loss was not due to the special general convention. “National and international conditions were not in Congress’s favor,” he said.
Joint General Secretary Dr. Dila Sangraula said the review discussed causes of defeat, future direction, and concerns. “Many said Congress received fewer votes than active membership numbers,” she revealed.
Dr. Sangraula informed that leaders urged the leadership to unify the party during the Gandaki review. “They said they support the leadership and emphasized the need to unite the party,” she added.
Following Gandaki, the party held the Lumbini Province election review on March 29 in Bhaluwang, Dang. Leaders cited internal betrayal, lack of cooperation from regular convention supporters, and attraction towards new parties as key causes of defeat.
Election review program held at Bhaluwang, Dang, on Lumbini Province level.
Some leaders remarked that the special general convention failed to reconcile with regular convention supporters and that an anti-party election wave cost them the election.
Regional Chair Poshan KC from Banke-1 said, “There was a wave in favor of the Rastriya Swatantra Party. The regular faction should have been united, which was a weakness as it was not achieved.”
Kamal Muslim, a candidate from Kapilvastu-1, criticized the decision to contest elections without publicly releasing the Gauribahadur Karki Commission report, calling it a major party mistake. “The report should have been disclosed to identify the culprits. It did not happen. Then Prime Minister Sushila Karki misled the leaders,” he claimed.
Kiran Kishore Ghimire, candidate in Dang-2, alleged that regular faction leaders did not assist, and that leaders including Sher Bahadur Deuba did not campaign or vote.
Banke Chair Arun Singh Rathore objected to Ghimire’s comments, stating, “It is not appropriate to criticize Sher Bahadur. He should contest the election with his ticket. We will not lose.”
Rathore added, “The special convention supporters told the outgoing president to remain silent, but this did not imply staying away from campaigning.”
MP Sandeep Rana from Palpa-1 urged all party members to overcome self-interest and engage in introspection. “Congress must move forward united, not divided. It is better to be a capable party worker than a leader of a weak party,” he said.
Lumbini Province Chair Amar Singh Pun stressed the full implementation of federalism within the party. He called for restructuring the central organization using federal terminology and principles.
During the review, some candidates complained about delayed ticket distribution resulting in reduced campaign time. Asutosh Mishra from Rupandehi-2 demanded action against those who obstructed.
Formal speeches were not permitted for regional chairs during the review. However, Banke-1 Chair KC shared informal observations, emphasizing party unity first. “Party unity must precede election review. We must start a root-level campaign, ensuring fairness across all factions,” he said.
KC remarked, “Identifying who lost in the election is irrelevant when a tsunami swept the country. The winner secured 60,000 votes, Congress got only 8,000. The party can only move forward united.”
He noted that President Thapa emphasized placing the party at the center of all efforts.
KC concluded, “Let us keep the party as the focal point. We are not individuals. Regular convention supporters are senior leaders and deserve respect. We are ready to step back if necessary to prioritize the party and move forward.”
The government has committed to promptly initiating an investigation into the assets of individuals who have held public office since 2046 BS. The Cabinet plans to clearly define policy decisions and delineate administrative and political spheres of work. Additionally, information technology has been declared a national strategic industry, with policies set to promote the development of digital infrastructure and artificial intelligence. April 14, Kathmandu.
The government decided to immediately advance the investigation of assets owned by public officials since 2046 BS. The draft ‘National Commitment,’ made public on Tuesday, states that asset verification will be conducted through transparent and legal procedures. Previously, the government had announced the formation of an asset investigation committee under the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers within 15 days; however, the committee has yet to be established. Government officials have claimed that preparations for forming the committee are underway.
Currently, the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) can only investigate the assets of public officials when complaints are filed. However, the asset verification of judges is not under the CIAA’s jurisdiction but should be conducted by the Judicial Council. In 2058 BS, an asset investigation commission was formed under the leadership of Judge Bhairav Prasad Lamsal, but no further judicial commissions have been formed since then.
The government has committed to clearly defining the ‘policy decisions’ made by the Cabinet.
April 14, Kathmandu – Political parties have responded positively to the government’s call for opinions and suggestions aimed at establishing a national commitment for governance reform. A draft of this ‘national commitment’ has been made public based on the manifests and pledges of the six national parties formed from the House of Representatives election. The government has sought feedback on the draft from five opposition parties: Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, Nepal Communist Party (NCP), Labour Culture Party, and Rastriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPPN).
On the first day of the new year, the government stated that it had prepared the draft incorporating the key points outlined in all party manifestos to facilitate governance reform.
Leading opposition parties, including Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and NCP, have expressed their intention to deliberate internally before providing their suggestions to the government. The deadline for submitting feedback is set for April 23. Congress General Secretary Gurruraj Ghimire emphasized that it is the government’s duty and responsibility to formulate a national commitment that encompasses all the issues presented in the party manifestos. He affirmed Congress’s support for the government’s initiative aimed at promoting national interests, protecting democracy, and advancing progress.
According to General Secretary Ghimire, the parties will review the government’s request internally based on the manifestos they released before the election. “First, we will discuss this matter inside the party. After thorough deliberation, we will publicly express our stance within an appropriate timeframe,” he stated. “We welcome the idea of advancing the issues outlined in the party pledges, resolutions, and manifestos as a national commitment.”
The government’s request for feedback has been met with mixed feelings by another opposition party, CPN-UML. Secretary Padma Aryal highlighted the need for clarity regarding the government’s intentions, questioning whether the national commitment initiative is genuine or merely for public show. “If the government is just seeking opinions for the sake of displaying activity, then it is unnecessary. But if it is done with positive intent, why should we view it negatively?” Secretary Aryal said. “If it’s just for rumors, there is no need for extensive discussion. Therefore, the purpose of the government must be clear. We will deliberate and provide our recommendations.”
Meanwhile, the Nepal Communist Party (NCP), considered the fourth force in the House of Representatives, stated that it has not yet received formal communication regarding the government’s request for opinions and suggestions. NCP leader Dev Gurung informed that though the government has asked for feedback on governance reforms and the ‘national commitment’, the party has not been officially notified. “If opinions are requested, we will provide them. We will respond specifically on the issues on which feedback is sought,” he added. He also noted that the party will study whether its manifesto points are included in the draft before responding. Gurung stated that the party will hold internal consultations and subsequently share its stance on the request.
April 14, Kathmandu – The Kathmandu District Police Office has urged the public to refrain from creating, broadcasting, or publishing misleading and unverified information related to registered cases and ongoing investigations. Police Deputy Superintendent Pawan Kumar Bhattarai, spokesperson for the office, stated that investigations are underway into registered homicide cases involving former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, following the Supreme Court’s directive and instructions from the District Government Attorney Office, Kathmandu. He emphasized that both individuals have been released on bail and the investigation is ongoing; therefore, misleading information should not be circulated.
In a statement issued today, DSP Bhattarai drew attention to opinions and information shared via audiovisual content on a YouTube channel. “Since the investigation is independent, lawful, and conducted under the legal guidance of the Government Attorney Office, Kathmandu, spreading irresponsible and misleading information attributed to the responsible police officials risks creating public misinformation. Therefore, all concerned are sincerely requested to refrain from generating or disseminating misleading and unverified information,” the statement read.
In Hungary’s election, the opposition Tisza party led by Péter Magyar won 138 out of 199 seats, ending the 16-year rule of authoritarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.
Orbán conceded defeat, stating, “The result is clear and it is very painful for us,” while expressing respect for the people’s decision.
Following the victory, Magyar declared, “We have freed Hungary from authoritarian shackles and brought the country back,” and pledged commitment to renewed European integration.
April 1, Kathmandu – On the night of April 12, 2026, the banks of Budapest’s Danube River were filled with a festive atmosphere. Millions of liberal protesters gathered as the historic chant, “Russians go home!” echoed once again.
This slogan originally came from the Soviet-era uprising of 1956, but 70 years later, the same call was raised in protest against Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s rule. After 16 years of imposing an authoritarian style of governance in Hungary, Orbán’s power succumbed to popular will.
Orbán conceded defeat at 9:30 PM, offering no excuses and urged his supporters to be patient.
“The result is clear and it is deeply painful for us,” he said. “This time, we will not have the opportunity to govern; we must respect the people’s decision.”
Analysts say Orbán’s departure marks a new turning point in European politics. Criticized for his closeness to Russia, his defeat is being seen as a revival of democracy.
The opposition Tisza party, led by Péter Magyar, secured 138 out of 199 seats, achieving a historic two-thirds majority, while Orbán’s Fidesz party was limited to 55 seats.
Voter turnout reached 79.51 percent, the highest in Hungary’s history.
After the victory, Magyar addressed a massive crowd in Budapest, describing the win as a rebirth of the nation.
“We have completely dismantled the Orbán regime,” he said. “We have liberated Hungary from authoritarian chains and restored the country.”
The Rise and Fall of an Authoritarian System
Since taking office in 2010, Viktor Orbán built a controversial authoritarian democracy in Hungary, a system he himself called “illiberal democracy.” This system rejected Western liberal values and emphasized nationalist-Christian traditions.
Once in power, Orbán amended the constitution to exercise control over the judiciary. Over 80 percent of public media came under state and government-friendly business control.
He also redrew electoral districts to favor his Fidesz party and maintained power by mobilizing ethnic Hungarian voters from neighboring countries.
According to international news outlet Politico, the electoral system in place made Orbán nearly invincible for 16 years.
Having won 54 percent of the vote in 2022, the 2026 result was highly unexpected for Orbán, demonstrating the power of public opinion.
Péter Magyar: The Man Who Overturned Power
Péter Magyar
Péter Magyar, the figure behind this political upheaval, is not an unfamiliar face. Records show he previously worked as a supporter and ally of Orbán’s Fidesz party. His wife served as Minister of Justice in Orbán’s cabinet.
However, in 2024, after President Katalin Novák pardoned a child sexual abuse case, Magyar publicly criticized Orbán’s government and founded the new Tisza party.
Politico analyzed Magyar’s rise as the journey of a formidable critic emerging both from within and outside the system, earning him political and diplomatic credibility.
He avoided forming coalitions with traditional opposition parties, positioning Tisza as a single, central power. He successfully united left-wing, liberal, and center-right voters under one umbrella.
His ‘Don’t Be Afraid’ campaign had widespread impact among young supporters. According to Reuters, Tisza won 94 out of 106 constituencies, a surprising success that Orbán’s own electoral strategies could not prevent.
Public Hardship and Youth Rebellion
The main reason for Orbán’s defeat was the everyday pain and anger of ordinary citizens. After 16 years of nationalist slogans, people were overwhelmed by inflation and unemployment.
Between 2022 and 2026, inflation hit double digits, driving up food, energy, and housing costs, hitting the middle and lower-middle classes hard. Although the ‘price cap’ policy provided short-term relief, it caused longer-term market distortions.
Institutional corruption and economic decline fueled anger among the youth and middle class. The healthcare, education, and public transport sectors were also weak.
This social and economic crisis led to a mass youth uprising and increased political engagement among younger voters.
Youth Political Awakening
Analysis from Chatham House indicates that support for Fidesz among the 18 to 30 age group is under 10 percent, while over 70 percent support the Tisza party.
One young voter stated, “We are witnessing a housing crisis, brain drain, and the collapse of public services. Orbán no longer represents a bright future for us.”
Many young graduates and talented youth are migrating to Western Europe and the US. Magyar’s slogan “Bring Hungary back to Europe” struck a chord with these young voters.
Corruption and Inequality
Another reason for Orbán’s fall was widespread corruption and concentration of resources. Transparency International ranked Hungary as one of Europe’s most corrupt countries.
Government-friendly businessmen controlled national assets, public contracts, and development projects. Foreign investors were pressured to align with government-preferred ventures.
Identity Conflict and Orbán’s Moral Decline
Orbán promoted ‘Christian values,’ ‘traditional family policies,’ and ‘anti-immigration’ ideologies but faced moral crisis when a presidential pardon in a child sexual abuse case ignited public outrage.
Magyar framed this as a symbol of a corrupt and hypocritical government, raising questions about its moral legitimacy and eroding Orbán’s invincibility.
Magyar positioned the election as a choice between East and West for Hungary’s future. In recent years, Orbán’s closeness to Russia and China alienated many voters.
The European Union welcomed this political change enthusiastically. The European Commission president stated that Hungary has clearly chosen Europe.
This victory is seen as a step back toward European democratic values for Hungary.
EU Fund Suspension and Chinese Investment Challenges
Economic mismanagement and misguided foreign investment policies weakened Hungary’s capital. The European Union froze over €20 billion in funds, stalling major projects.
Orbán’s ‘Eastern Opening’ policy had expanded trade with China, making Hungary a significant hub for Chinese investment in Europe.
While this strategy brought some economic benefits, it also increased debt burdens and created trade imbalances favoring Chinese imports.
Effective Public Counteraction Against Institutional Control
Orbán’s regime was cited as an example of democratic decay, controlling 80 percent of the media.
However, in this election, social media and independent digital outlets effectively mobilized opposition. The public overcame electoral gerrymandering and bias.
Strategic Factors
The Ukraine war altered Hungary’s geopolitical position significantly. Though Orbán sided with Russia, he vetoed €90 billion in aid to Ukraine, alienating the European Union.
His policy of maintaining dependence on Russian gas and oil challenged European unity on energy security.
Opposition leader Magyar’s firm commitment to NATO and the EU attracted significant voter support.
Enthusiasm Across Europe, Concern in Moscow and Beijing
The election outcome sparked diverse reactions worldwide.
The European Commission president celebrated a revitalized European heart in Hungary.
French President Macron and German Chancellor Merkel hailed it as a victory for European values and expressed hopes for cooperation.
Ukrainian President Zelensky expressed optimism that this would remove obstacles to aid packages, while Poland’s Prime Minister declared a return of democracy.
Political analysts viewed the result as a personal defeat for both US President Trump and Russian President Putin.
Impact on Chinese Investments
During Orbán’s era, Hungary was considered Beijing’s closest ally in Europe but faced criticism within the EU as a “Trojan horse.”
In February 2026, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Budapest, emphasizing continued respect and cooperation between the two countries.
However, with Magyar’s government coming to power, this dynamic is expected to change. Magyar has pledged to make old secret agreements public, and the proposed foreign minister has declared she will not undermine European unity for Russian or Chinese interests.
According to the South China Morning Post, Tisza’s victory may lead to stricter EU regulatory reviews of Chinese companies.
This shift will have immediate, medium, and long-term effects. Currently, uncertainty has increased among Chinese investors, and some major companies have halted production.
In the medium term, Magyar’s government may support EU tariffs related to China. In the long term, this development may set a precedent for other countries.
Analysts contend that losing Hungary as its main ally in the EU presents a significant challenge for China, similar to Russia’s recent losses.
The Future of Hungary: Opportunities and Challenges
New Prime Minister Magyar has prioritized full integration with the European Union, anti-corruption efforts, and economic stability.
He plans to reverse institutional changes brought by Orbán and work to lift the EU funding freeze.
Nonetheless, challenges include obstruction from Fidesz as the main opposition and legal-economic complexities related to Chinese investment treaties.
Analysts suggest that working closely with the EU to reform China policies could make Magyar’s government a model for others.
Orbán’s defeat exposed the limits of global right-wing nationalism, showing that institutional control, media manipulation, and nationalist slogans cannot suppress public discontent indefinitely.
A brief review of the news. The government has announced a plan to double the per capita spending of tourists visiting Nepal within five years. A commitment has been made to create a new ‘ecosystem’ that emphasizes nature, culture, and community to diversify tourism. It has been stated that Pokhara and Bhairahawa airports will be operated at full capacity to facilitate direct flights from major global cities. Kathmandu, 1 Baishakh. The government announced its intention to enhance the quality of tourism by increasing both the number of tourists and the average length of their stay in Nepal, aiming to double per capita expenditure within five years. While releasing the draft of a shared commitment letter derived from the electoral manifestos of six political parties represented in the House of Representatives, the government outlined its goal to diversify tourism by developing a new ‘ecosystem’ centered on nature, culture, and community.
Special infrastructure will be developed to promote Pashupatinath, Lumbini, and the culture and architecture of the Kathmandu Valley, as well as Hindu-Buddhist pilgrimage sites from Devghat to Muktinath, and Janakpur as centers of religious-cultural tourism. In collaboration with provincial governments, local bodies, private sectors, and communities, 2027 has been declared as the ‘National Health Year’ with plans to develop health tourism through diverse programs. Tourism packages and homestays will be operated incorporating Nepali civilization, lifestyle, traditional attire, indigenous cuisine, and handicrafts.
For adventure and recreational tourism, coordinated efforts among three tiers of government will roll out the ‘Clean Mountain: Safe Climbing’ campaign, alongside the development of additional tourist destinations. Sites such as Salpa Silchung, Buddhist Swayambhunath, Namobuddha, Lumbini, Muktinath, Halesi Mahadev, Pindeshwor, Dantakali, Gosainkunda, Pashupatinath, Pathibhara, Mukmaliung, and Sanmanparu Hang have been declared religious sites to be further developed as tourism centers. Training programs related to tourism and hospitality will be conducted at provincial and local levels as stated in the information document.
Off-season packages and special programs will be implemented to boost seasonal tourism. There is also a commitment to promote mountaineering by opening new mountains for climbing. Public-private partnerships will facilitate the operation of hotels, resorts, adventure services, and eco-tourism. The Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal will be developed into two autonomous agencies functioning as both service providers and regulators to strengthen aviation safety. The full capacity operation of Pokhara and Bhairahawa airports will enable direct flights from major global cities. The government has pledged to advance Nepal’s distinct branding in global markets through the development of tourism infrastructure, market promotion, expansion of air services, internal security, and the development of new destinations.
On the first day of Nepali New Year 2083, the Sukepokhari area of Panchthar was bustling with locals exchanging greetings and participating in various events. The occasion featured a football tournament and a fair, attracting a significant number of domestic tourists from Ilam and Panchthar. The Mechi Highway segment from Pawabhyanjang up the uphill stretch was crowded with vehicles and pedestrians, capturing the vibrant atmosphere of the New Year.
Today, on 1st Baisakh, people across Sukepokhari celebrated the start of the new year by sharing well-wishes. While some enjoyed the natural beauty of the region, others took part in the Chauree Festival or relaxed at nearby sites. Among the many lively spots during the New Year celebrations, Panchthar’s Sukepokhari stood out for its festive bustle. The road from Pawabhyanjang on the Mechi Highway saw heavy traffic including cars and motorbikes, accompanied by numerous foot travelers.
The area was adorned with blooming rhododendron flowers, adding to the scenic charm. A football competition and local fairs were organized to mark the celebrations. A notable influx of tourists from Ilam and Panchthar visited the area, with many also exploring nearby attractions such as Lohakil and Patenagi.
Chennai Super Kings achieved their second consecutive win in the IPL by defeating Kolkata Knight Riders by 32 runs. After posting a total of 192 runs, Chennai restricted Kolkata to 160 for 7 in their 20 overs. Noor Ahmad took 3 wickets for Chennai, while Rmandeep Singh scored the highest for Kolkata with 35 runs.
April 14, Kathmandu – Chennai Super Kings continued their impressive run in the Indian Premier League (IPL) cricket with a second straight victory, while Kolkata Knight Riders endured their fourth defeat, maintaining a disappointing streak. In the match held on Tuesday in Chennai, the Super Kings defeated Kolkata Knight Riders by 32 runs. Chasing a target of 193 runs set by Chennai, Kolkata ended on 160 runs for 7 wickets in their allotted 20 overs.
Rmandeep Singh top-scored for Kolkata with 35 runs. Ravman Powell contributed 31 runs, Ajinkya Rahane scored 28, Angkrish Raghuvanshi added 27, and Sunil Narine made 24 runs. For Chennai, Noor Ahmad bowled 4 overs, conceding 21 runs and taking 3 wickets. Anshul Kambhoj took 2 wickets, while Khaleel Ahmed and Akil Hossain took one wicket each.
Batting first, Chennai posted 192 runs for 5 wickets in their 20 overs. Sanju Samson led the innings with 48 runs, followed by Dewald Brevis with 41 and Ayush Mhatre with 38 runs. Sarfaraz Khan contributed 23 runs. For Kolkata, Kartik Tyagi claimed 2 wickets, with Vaibhav Arora, Anukul Roy, and Sunil Narine taking one wicket each. With their second win in the tournament, Chennai climbed to eighth place with 4 points from 5 matches. Meanwhile, Kolkata remains at the bottom with 1 point from 5 games and is yet to register a victory.
The government has set a target to increase the installed electricity capacity to 30,000 megawatts over the next decade. Priority will be given to the construction of large reservoir projects such as Budhigandaki and Dudhkoshi, according to a newly released draft plan. The plan also aims to encourage private sector participation in transmission and distribution alongside power generation, while strengthening energy diplomacy and cooperation with neighboring countries. April 14, Kathmandu.
According to the draft national commitment prepared by incorporating the election pledges of six political parties, amendments to laws related to land, forests, and the environment, as well as policy reforms, will be implemented to achieve the target of 30,000 megawatts installed capacity within the next ten years. The document emphasizes providing viability gap funding to prioritize the construction of large reservoir and semi-reservoir projects such as Budhigandaki and Dudhkoshi.
In line with the government’s commitment, efforts will be made to attract large energy-based industries, including steel, cement, medicinal herb processing, data server stations, and chemical fertilizer industries. Alongside power generation, policies and legal frameworks will be designed to promote private sector participation in storage, transmission, and distribution systems. Additionally, arrangements will be made to increase domestic electricity consumption and extend transmission lines to industries through private sector-friendly regulations.
Despite having policies and plans in Nepal’s health sector, systemic weaknesses have prevented the delivery of fair and reliable services. To improve health outcomes, it is essential to move away from the approach of offering uniform services to all and instead prioritize the areas and populations most at risk. The inability of the health system to provide timely care, sometimes resulting in patient deaths, adds pressure on the government to reform the current system. The saying, “Doing the same thing the same way but expecting different results is wrong,” conveys a crucial message in this context. Nepal does not lack health policies, plans, or programs; however, the critical challenge lies in transforming these policies into equitable, dependable, and effective services for all citizens.
The newly elected government, which secured a significant majority under Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda), is met with high expectations. Although the approved 100-point action plan reflects the government’s commitment, the public prioritizes results over rhetoric. Genuine change demands that the government acknowledge one truth: persistent use of the same structures, methods, and systems that have consistently produced poor outcomes will not yield different results. Nepal has already formulated health policies. The Constitution recognizes health as a fundamental right. Numerous laws, strategies, and plans provide clear guidance. Yet, the public evaluates the health system based on their lived experiences rather than policy documents.
For women giving birth in remote areas, newborns struggling to breathe, patients requiring urgent hospital care, or families undergoing emergency admissions, the experience of healthcare is shaped not by policy language but by the real conditions of service delivery. These experiences often involve delays, recommendations for referral to higher-tier hospitals, shortages of health workers, medicine scarcities, and out-of-pocket expenses. The gap between policy and practice reflects deep-rooted structural and systemic weaknesses within Nepal’s health sector.
As internal disputes within Nepali Congress intensify, outgoing Acting President Purnabahadur Khadka has publicly asserted the party’s stance in his capacity.
Khadka challenges the legitimacy of the Central Working Committee elected at the 14th General Convention and claims the Election Commission’s decision contravenes party bylaws and the constitution.
Leader Dr. Shekhar Koirala has assigned leaders to engage in dialogue among the establishment and other factions to prevent party division.
March 13, Kathmandu: With the Supreme Court currently deliberating on the party’s official legitimacy case, internal disputes within the Nepali Congress have escalated sharply.Tensions are rising among non-establishment factions amid warnings that actions violating party bylaws will invite disciplinary measures.
Defying earlier warnings from the Central Discipline Committee, outgoing Acting President Purnabahadur Khadka continues to assert his role. On Monday, in his capacity as Acting President, he used the party letterhead to publicly communicate the stance of another faction regarding party membership.
“No leader should cancel party membership obtained by risking lives during the era when Nepali Congress was banned under the autocratic Panchayat regime, based on any impulse, provocation, or rash speech,” Khadka stated.
Regarding the decision by the Central Working Committee to update all active memberships derived from the 14th General Convention, party President Gagan Kumar Thapa had recently announced the cancellation of active memberships.
“All active memberships were cancelled based on the previous committee’s decision,” he said at the Madhesh Province-level election review event on March 9. “There are no active members now.”
Nepali Congress has decided that only those who update their membership during the upcoming one-month ‘pay the fine’ campaign starting April 14 will be eligible to participate in the 15th General Convention.
Non-establishment factions have strongly opposed this decision, viewing the requirement to update membership to attend the convention as illegal, biased, and unacceptable.
“Active membership represents more than just an individual’s affiliation with the party; it embodies the historical contribution and continuity within the party,” Khadka said, emphasizing only the General Convention can legally revoke active membership.
However, on Monday, General Secretaries Pradeep Paudel and Guru Raj Ghimire clarified through Facebook that active memberships are not being cancelled but updated through an organized process.
They urged all active members to renew their memberships promptly and encouraged new members to join, emphasizing an active role in strengthening the organization.
Earlier, on March 28, Khadka protested government arrests of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and ex-Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak through a statement issued as Acting President.
Following the Election Commission’s conferral of authority to the Central Working Committee elected via the special General Convention, Khadka publicly expressed the party’s position for the first time in his acting role.
Khadka’s active assertion of his role soon sparked anger from the establishment faction.
At the Central Discipline Committee meeting on March 18, Khadka was warned of possible disciplinary action if he continued to issue statements as Acting President.
After Khadka convened a meeting of the Central Working Committee elected at the 14th General Convention on March 17, the Central Discipline Committee condemned his use of a counterfeit party letterhead and unauthorized statements, cautioning him accordingly.
“Any individual committing such acts henceforth will face disciplinary proceedings as outlined by the Nepali Congress Bylaws 2017 (amended) and applicable Nepalese law,” said the statement issued post-meeting.
Nonetheless, Khadka defied the warning by issuing another statement on Monday, intensifying the party’s crisis.
He has referred to the special General Convention held last January as merely a so-called convention.
Khadka contends the Election Commission’s recognition of the committee formed via the special convention under the guise of updating membership violates party rules, Nepal’s constitution, and electoral laws.
“This not only undermines Nepali Congress but threatens the broader party system of Nepal,” Khadka asserted, noting that he has filed a writ in the Supreme Court where the case remains under consideration.
With the court still deliberating on party legitimacy issues, Khadka’s public cancellation of membership renewal for the 15th General Convention took many by surprise and caused serious concern.
Despite intra-party upheavals, Khadka emphasizes patience and adherence to the bylaws as the party prepares the renewal and facilitating membership for those left out, with the aim to hold the 15th Convention smoothly.
Prior to this, a Central Executive Committee meeting chaired by Khadka on December 2 had unanimously approved the schedule for the 15th General Convention slated for October 15-18.
However, the floor convention could not take place on time due to disagreements from then establishment and Thapa groups post the general elections.
As the Thapa group saw no possibility of a regular convention, they convened a special General Convention late January.
The special convention at Bhrikuti Mandap dissolved the committee elected through the 14th General Convention and appointed a new one led by Thapa.
Subsequently, President Thapa’s March 25 Central Working Committee meeting decided to hold the 15th General Convention next year in mid-September; the schedule faced objections from non-establishment factions.
Disciplinary Committee Scheduled Following Khadka’s Statement
Immediately after Khadka’s statement as Acting President, the party summoned a meeting of the Central Discipline Committee.
According to a notice issued by Secretary Dinesh Thapamagar from the Central Office, the meeting is scheduled for April 15 at 11 am, though the agenda remains undisclosed. Committee coordinator Taraman Gurung declined to comment on the agenda before the meeting.
“Until the meeting is held, I cannot comment on the agenda or decisions,” he said. “It is not my habit to discuss things prematurely.”
Shekhar’s Moderate Initiative
Amid escalating disputes, Dr. Shekhar Koirala, leading a separate ideological faction, has taken an active role in seeking middle-ground solutions within the party.
Opposed to the special General Convention at Bhrikuti Mandap, Koirala has initiated dialogues to foster agreement between the establishment and other groups.He firmly opposes any party split and has tasked close aides with facilitating talks between factions.
According to his associates, Koirala assigned former Deputy General Secretary Badri Pandey and Jivan Pariyar to engage with the committee formed at the special General Convention.
Likewise, Dr. Minendra Rizal and Dr. Govindraj Pokharel were given responsibility to communicate with Khadka’s faction.
On April 7, Koirala convened his close leaders at the Bishalnagar contact office and allocated these responsibilities during discussions focused on resolving the party conflict.
Present at Bishalnagar were also Dinesh Koirala, Tek Prasad Gurung, Sanjay Kumar Gautam, and Rajiv Koirala, as well as former General Secretary Dr. Shashank Koirala and Member of Parliament Urmila Thapaliya.
Koirala’s office has confirmed the dialogue efforts and division of responsibilities among leaders.
Sources indicate Koirala supports party unity until the court verdict is announced, urging members to set aside personal ego and prevent further damage.“Dr. Koirala believes no internal fighting should continue,” a leader told, “he calls for unity before the court’s decision.”
Following this, leaders Rizal and Pokharel consulted with N.P. Saud, trusted by outgoing President Sher Bahadur Deuba; similarly, Pandey and Pariyar held discussions with General Secretary Guru Ghimire and attempted to arrange talks with President Thapa.
“There have been talks with NPG on the Deuba side and Guruji on the special faction side. An attempt to meet with Gagan Thapa was reportedly refused,” sources disclosed. “Purnabahadur’s faction is not interested in reconciliation before the court ruling, and the special faction is unwilling to engage either. Both groups are moving on divergent paths.”
Youth Leaders Pressuring for Resolution
Young leaders within Nepali Congress are actively pushing for conflict resolution to enable a united front going into the 15th General Convention.
Leaders from the establishment, Deuba’s faction, and Koirala’s group held a collective discussion on Sunday to explore consensus-driven solutions. Attendees at the Anamnagar meeting included outgoing Central Committee members Nainsingh Mahar, Pratima Gautam, Umesh Jung Rayamajhi, Pushpa Parajuli, Manojmani Acharya, Binod Kayastha, and Nirmala Kshetri.
Other participants included Balchandra Nyaupane, Anjan Lama, Badri Aryal, Lekhnath Nyaupane, Saroj Thapa, and Pushpakumar Shah.
The group resolved to initiate dialogues with all factions and undertake pressure-oriented programs to push for party strengthening and unity.
“We are engaging in discussions across the country to promote reform, unity, and strengthen the party,” stated leader Mahar.
Central Committee member Pratima Gautam also confirmed a unanimous focus on moving toward a regular general convention. “We have talked about how to proceed with holding a regular convention,” she said.
The government has implemented a policy prohibiting the transfer of project chiefs and staff until the completion of their projects. It has been announced that result-oriented and timely work plans will be prepared and implemented in national pride projects. A commitment has been made to upgrade the Mahendra Highway to international highway standards within three years. April 14, Kathmandu.
The government has declared national commitments by incorporating the election manifestos of six political parties. This includes coordination among various bodies for project classification and implementation. The commitment letter states that policies, plans, priority setting, resource mobilization, budget allocation, and project implementation related to infrastructure development will be coordinated in an integrated manner.
Government projects will be executed under a target-focused work style (mission mode). The commitment states that transfers of project chiefs and staff will not occur until high-quality and timely project completion is achieved. For national pride projects, result-based and timely work plans will be prepared and implemented.
The government has announced the development of an integrated multimodal transport system connecting highways, waterways, airports, and other infrastructure. The Mahendra Highway will be upgraded according to international highway standards within three years. Based on agreements with India on interstate waterways and friendly nation China on transportation and trade, access to international trade via waterways will be established using community ports.
April 14, Kathmandu – The government has proposed renaming the East-West Highway back to its original name, ‘Mahendra Highway.’ This proposal has been included in the draft of the 18-point national commitment charter for administrative reform, which was made public on Tuesday. Under the infrastructure development section, the charter states, ‘Mahendra Highway will be upgraded to meet international highway standards within three years.’
Since the establishment of the republic, the highway’s name was changed to East-West Highway. Now, through this new proposal, the government intends to restore the old name.
