Author: space4knews

Chaitra 10, Kathmandu – Shesh Ghale and Jamuna Gurung, entrepreneurs of Nepali origin, have once again been included among Australia’s wealthiest individuals this year. According to the 2026 list published by The Australian, Ghale and Gurung hold the 150th and 151st positions respectively.

The couple has sustained their presence on this list for 18 consecutive years since first being listed among the top 250 wealthiest in 2009.

They are co-founders of the Melbourne Institute of Technology (MIT). The Australian reports that together, they possess assets worth approximately $1.21 billion.

Born in Nepal, Gurung and Ghale migrated to Australia in the early 1990s. Established in 1996, the Melbourne Institute of Technology has developed into the largest private higher education provider for international students in Australia, with campuses in Melbourne and Sydney and partnerships with Australian universities.

While their primary business focus remains education, the Ghale couple is consistently involved in real estate ventures. They have acquired commercial properties across Melbourne, many of which operate as campuses for MIT.

Their most significant property is a 3,900 square meter site located at 386-412 William Street on the northern edge of Melbourne’s CBD, purchased in 2009 for $17.8 million and earmarked for redevelopment.

After demolishing the old building on the site in 2025, plans to construct an office building were altered due to a sluggish market. The couple has since shifted their vision toward developing a luxury hotel and serviced apartments, as noted by The Australian. Although the land tax on the vacant site is around $200,000 annually, Ghale has provided detailed information on the property.

“Gurung and Ghale also support education and community projects and own and develop hotels in Belgium and Nepal, including a prestigious hotel set to open soon in Kathmandu,” The Australian stated.

Shesh Ghale is also a former president of the Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRN).

Kathmandu – Iranian media reported on Tuesday that an attack targeted two gas facilities and a pipeline.

According to Fars News Agency, this occurred shortly after US President Donald Trump issued orders to avoid attacks on energy infrastructure.

Fars reported that the gas administration building and the gas pressure regulation station located on Kaveh Street in Isfahan were targeted by Israeli and US forces.

Fars is the only media outlet reporting that the central Iranian structures suffered minor damage.

Additionally, it is claimed that a gas pipeline linked to the Khorramshahr power plant in southwestern Iran was also attacked.

Citing the governor of Khorramshahr, a city near the Iraq border, Fars stated that a projectile landed outside the gas pipeline processing station. However, no disruption to the plant’s operations or major damage was reported.

Earlier, President Trump said efforts were underway to reduce tensions in the Middle East and ordered a five-day pause on attacks targeting Iran’s energy installations. He also mentioned positive and constructive dialogue with Iran.

Nevertheless, Iran has signaled it will not withdraw from the ongoing conflict. Tehran stated that the struggle will continue until damages are compensated.

Moreover, a senior military advisor to Iran’s Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei demanded the removal of all economic sanctions and concrete guarantees that the US will not interfere in the future as preconditions.

March 23, Kathmandu — The appointment and subsequent oath-taking ceremony of the proposed Prime Minister Balen Shah are set for this Friday. Following this, the newly formed government is expected to re-evaluate appointments made by the previous administration. It is already certain that the government will soon begin reviewing various appointments.

Kavindra Burlakoti, General Secretary of the Rastriya Swatantra Party, stated that discussions are limited to officials who were appointed directly. According to him, talks have begun on facilitating those directly appointed officials and individuals once the new government is in place.

“It is considered better to facilitate individuals and officials who were appointed not on merit or competence but rather through political influence,” Burlakoti said. “This matter will be addressed by the incoming government. Our view is that it is appropriate to clear the path for those directly appointed officials during the formation of the new government.”

From Constitutional to Political Appointments

Appointments to government positions range from constitutional to political in nature, with some being of general administrative character. Raswap leaders have yet to clarify how they intend to tackle each type of appointment.

However, they argue that those who secured political appointments ought to demonstrate ethical conduct and facilitate a government that has received a large public mandate.

The President and Vice President are constitutional appointments, and Raswap leaders confirmed that no discussions about these posts have taken place during their internal meetings.

Apart from these, appointments within various constitutional bodies are under consideration, with particular attention given to the chief commissioner of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), Prem Kumar Rai, and other commissioners.

“On one hand, there are appointments made during the tenure of former Prime Minister KP Oli; on the other, concerns about political bias affecting the CIAA’s work are being debated,” a Raswap leader shared. “However, no decisions have been finalized on what actions to take.”

Some Raswap leaders have also initiated discussions on judicial appointments in the Supreme Court and High Courts. Supreme Court judges can only be removed through impeachment, while High Court judges may be dismissed by the Chief Justice upon recommendation from the Judicial Council if their performance or conduct is questioned.

Although the appointment and oversight of judges by the Judicial Council are constitutionally mandated, in practice these processes have political implications.

One council member is appointed on the Prime Minister’s recommendation, while the other is selected based on the Bar Association’s recommendation; both members cannot be removed without impeachment.

During KP Oli’s premiership, 52 constitutional office holders were appointed in two phases. Many have since retired while others remain in their positions.

Except where officials have resigned on the government’s request, removal without impeachment is not possible.

For impeachment, the federal parliament must pass a two-thirds majority resolution supported by evidence proving misconduct relevant to the office. Prior to this, the impeachment recommendation committee must study the proposal and gather evidence.

From CIAA to Truth and Reconciliation Commission

Officials serving in all constitutional commissions—including the CIAA, Public Service Commission, Election Commission, and Finance Commission—can only be removed through impeachment proceedings.

The government can only request their resignation but cannot unilaterally remove them. To initiate impeachment, at least 25% of parliamentarians must submit a proposal with allegations and supporting evidence.

Another important appointment is that of ambassadors. While the government has the authority to recall ambassadors when necessary, a recent Supreme Court ruling temporarily halted government attempts to do so.

Appointments of officials in various regulatory bodies are also governed by specific procedures; removing some of these officials requires a formal process. For example, governors can only be dismissed upon recommendation by a committee led by a former High Court Chief Justice.

Officials in bodies such as the Press Council, Medical Council, Medical Education Commission, and Film Development Board are appointed through defined procedures.

Unless concrete faults are found in their work, initiating removal processes is difficult.

The two transitional justice commissions are also subject to this framework, with victims demanding removal of certain officials and submitting petitions to relevant authorities.

The previous government established land commissions in all districts and appointed officials accordingly. Although Prime Minister Sushila Karki decided to dissolve the land commission, the process is currently stalled due to an interim order from a writ petition filed by commission officials.

Increased Instability in Public Institutions

There are currently 45 public institutions operating across industrial, commercial, service, social, public welfare, and financial sectors. To make appointments in these institutions competitive, a Public Institution Management Board was established under former Prime Minister Dr. Baburam Bhattarai.

The order forming the Public Institution Management Board was published in the government gazette on February 5, 2013. This board was intended to bring transparency and competitiveness to the appointments of chief executive officers, chairpersons, and directors of public institutions, but political parties have often made appointments favoring their interests.

University appointments frequently attract controversy. Positions such as vice chancellor, rector, and registrar are often allocated based on party quotas. There are currently 23 central and regional universities.

Political parties leading the government have shown interest in university appointments. Primarily, universities including Tribhuvan University, Pokhara University, Purbanchal University, and Nepal Sanskrit University have been alleged to appoint officials through partisan allocations, often placing affiliated faculty members in administrative roles.

Raswap spokesperson Manish Jha expressed a desire for facilitating individuals appointed through nepotism or fraternities but noted that this requires the new government to be in place and functioning.

Regarding political appointments, he said, “The party formulates political stances, the government makes decisions, and these decisions will be addressed once the government is formed.”

It’s Not as Easy as It Seems

Hari Upreti, an expert in administrative law and senior advocate, noted that although a government with a two-thirds majority can form a favorable team, procedural challenges may arise in some cases.

“It is easy to decide to remove someone, but difficult for those being removed. If they challenge removal in court and get an interim order, it will create obstacles for the government,” he remarked wryly. “Thus, it is important to consider procedural matters when removing officials.”

Apart from various constitutional appointments, other appointments made by the cabinet are political in nature, and those holding such positions have legitimate expectations. It’s difficult to remove someone unless wrongdoing is proven.

“Even removal requires forming investigative committees and sometimes thorough procedural inquiries,” Upreti stated. “If the government unilaterally removes someone and that person obtains an interim order from the court to reinstate, it sends a signal of failure for the administration. Therefore, caution is necessary.”

Good Governance Series—

March 24, Nepalgunj — Bakke-3 constituency has elected a Dalit candidate to the House of Representatives for the third time. In the elections held on March 6 (Falgun 21), Khagendra Sunar from the Rastriya Swatantra Party (Raswap) secured victory from Bakke-3.

Among 165 direct constituencies for the House of Representatives, Khagendra Sunar is the only candidate from the Dalit community to have won. Dalit activist Sunar joined the Rastriya Swatantra Party on January 12, 2026 BS (January 25, 2020 AD).

Although the Dalit community makes up approximately 13.4 percent of Nepal’s total population, only one Dalit candidate won in the direct elections for the House of Representatives this time, limiting Dalit representation to 0.61 percent.

Nepal’s 2015 Constitution aimed to build equality and inclusivity based on the principle of proportional inclusion and participation, as stipulated in the preamble. However, direct election results have not addressed the essence of these constitutional provisions.

In this election, Nepali Congress fielded only one Dalit candidate, Prakash Rasailee Snehi, from Bajhang, whereas the CPN-UML nominated Chakra Snehi from Dadeldhura-1 and Bimala Bik from Bardiya-2.

The Nepal Communist Party put forward Padam Bishwakarma from Syangja-2 and Man Bahadur Sunar from Kanchanpur-3, but none secured a win.

Article 40 of the Constitution mandates proportional participation of Dalits in all governmental bodies, but major political parties have shown apathy in practical implementation.

Despite the Dalit population being 13.4 percent, Nepali Congress and Raswap collectively fielded only one direct candidate (0.61 percent), while UML and NCP fielded two candidates each, combining to 1.21 percent Dalit candidates.

Dalit rights activist and writer JB Bishwakarma stated, “Major parties do not grant direct tickets to community leaders, and when they do, often these candidates contest in constituencies where winning is unlikely.”

While Dalit representation in the House of Representatives has declined overall, Bakke-3 has successfully elected Dalit representatives in 1991 (2048 BS), 2014 (2070 BS), and 2026 (2082 BS).

In 1991, Krishna Singh Pariyar from Nepali Congress was elected from this area and also served as the chairperson of the State Affairs Committee.

In the 2014 Constituent Assembly elections, Dalbahadur Sunar from CPN-UML was elected from Bakke-3, vigorously raising Dalit issues in the assembly.

In the recent election, Khagendra Sunar from Raswap was elected after competing in Bakke-3.

According to Dalit rights activist Prakash Upadhyay, the primary reason for the consistent victory of Dalit candidates from Bakke-3 is the presence of approximately 17 to 18 thousand Dalit voters in the constituency and the community’s need for its own representation.

Bakke-3 is a Dalit-majority constituency, with roughly 9 percent hill Dalits and 6 percent Madhesi Dalits, totaling about 15 percent of the population. Out of 117,354 registered voters, 17,631 are Dalit voters.

What are the primary demands of the Dalit community?

JB Bishwakarma explained that the main issue for the Dalit community is the lack of unified legislation to implement the constitutional rights guaranteed under Article 40.

Article 40 guarantees proportional participation; free education, health, and social security; skill and technology protection; land provisions; housing rights; and proportional distribution arrangements. However, without unified legislation, these rights remain inaccessible for Dalits.

Government budgets and policies are not Dalit-friendly. Despite the national poverty rate averaging 20.3 percent, the Dalit poverty rate is estimated between 41 and 42 percent, roughly double the national average. Yet government budgets and policies have had limited impact in reducing Dalit poverty.

Approximately 39 percent of Dalits in Nepal are landless. Despite longstanding dialogue, issues of landlessness and squatters have yet to be resolved.

Bishwakarma urges Dalit representatives elected to the House to actively voice these concerns.

Who is Khagendra Sunar?

Khagendra Sunar was born on May 16, 1990 (Jestha 2, 2047 BS) in Chhatikot, Narayan Municipality-5, Dailekh. He studied up to class 8 and completed his higher secondary education in Surkhet, Birendranagar. Since 2009, he has been active as an artist and journalist with Radio Panchkoshi.

Sunar holds a bachelor’s degree in Political Science and History from Kathmandu’s RR Campus. Alongside journalism, he acted as coordinator for Dalit advocacy.

He faced social ostracism due to an intercaste marriage with Sita Gurung from Dailekh. Following the marriage, Sita was not allowed to visit her parental home.

Sunar emerged as a prominent and aggressive Dalit activist after the murder of six people including Navraj Bik in Rukum West on May 23, 2020 (Jestha 10, 2077 BS).

From May 2021, he launched the ‘Khai’ campaign for Dalits, and on August 8, 2024 (Shrawan 23, 2081 BS), participated in symbolic protests by applying nail polish at Maitighar to highlight discrimination against Dalits.

Through these symbolic protests, he drew public attention to issues of discrimination and deprivation faced by the Dalit community.

In 2025 (2082 BS), he registered the ‘Hamro Party Nepal’ and later united it with the Rastriya Swatantra Party.

In the March 6 elections, Raswap fielded Khagendra Sunar as its candidate from Bakke-3. Though originally from Dailekh, he has been active in Kathmandu leading Dalit advocacy efforts. Often seen as a new face in the constituency, Sunar earned the trust of Dalit voters to win a seat in the House of Representatives.

March 24, Kathmandu – According to Section (G) of the Armed Police Act 2058, Armed Police are supposed to be deployed for riot control, but there remains a lack of clarity on this matter. Clear roles and conditions for deploying Armed Police in riot situations have not been firmly established, raising concerns.

On Tuesday, during the 22nd anniversary ceremony of the Pashupatinath Battalion headquarters in New Baneshwor, Armed Police Inspector General (IGP) Raju Aryal raised questions about the ambiguous role of Armed Police deployment.

Although Armed Police are said to be deployed when riots occur or are likely, he indicated that Armed Police personnel are currently being deployed daily even in normal circumstances.

He also noted that there is still no clear policy on riot control and that decisions on this matter are awaited from the Home Ministry.

The ambiguity around Armed Police deployment, mandates, and roles has caused overlap and confusion between the Nepal Police and Armed Police.

During the protest on September 8 and 9, the entire security apparatus failed in riot control. When protestors entered prohibited areas and violence ensued, security forces fired shots, resulting in 19 deaths.

Similarly, during the royalist protest at Three Corners on March 28, security agencies were also unable to act effectively. These events highlighted the lack of coordination, resulting in overlap and uncertainties among security agencies.

Following these incidents, the Armed Police Force proposed forming a specialized unit for riot control to the Home Ministry. Accordingly, on December 18, the Cabinet decided to convert the Neel Barahi Unit in Kirtipur into a Riot Control Unit and to add posts for Senior Superintendents of Police (SSP).

This unit, commanded by an SSP, has now been placed under the Riot Control Regiment.

Preparations are underway to formally inaugurate and operationalize this unit soon. However, security officials express concerns that despite the unit’s formation, its deployment and role remain unclear.

A senior Armed Police official said, “Posts have been created, but questions about why, when, and how these teams will be deployed remain unanswered. The role of other security agencies in such scenarios and the delineation of authority need clarification. This could lead to incidents similar to the recent protests.”

There appears to be insufficient coordination between the two security forces — Nepal Police and Armed Police — in crowd control. During the September 8 protests, Police received no assistance from Armed Police while firing shots.

Deployment of Police and Armed Police separately in the field contributed to significant human losses.

To eliminate this overlap, the Home Ministry is preparing the Security Forces Deployment Policy, 2082, regarding mob and riot management.

The proposed policy defines how and when Armed Police should be deployed in normal situations, including their duties and powers.

According to the policy, Nepal Police and local police will have primary responsibility for security under normal circumstances, with Armed Police deployed only as necessary.

A phased approach to crowd control, ranging from baton charges to water cannons and aerial firing, has been devised.

If these measures fail to control riots and destructive activities escalate, a special situation can be declared to permit Armed Police deployment.

In such cases, Armed Police will lead field operations, and Nepal Police will be deployed under Armed Police command.

However, this policy has yet to be implemented. IGP Aryal has also demanded clarity on the role of Armed Police in this regard.

Former Deputy Inspector General of Armed Police Narayan Babu Thapa has also called for a clear delineation of roles to avoid overlap between the Nepal Police and Armed Police.

Although the Armed Police Force was established for riot control, District Chiefs (CDOs) have been deploying Armed Police even in routine situations.

Post-protest, there has been a recommendation to have a specialized unit for riot control, but unclear jurisdiction and deployment scope have hindered effectiveness.

Pashupatinath Battalion Relocated from Baneshwor

The Pashupatinath Battalion of the Armed Police Force has been responsible for security, crowd control, riot management, disaster relief, and VIP security covering the three districts of Kathmandu Valley.

Established 22 years ago, its office was until recently located in Satungal. Following recent protests, the office has been moved to New Baneshwor.

The new office is situated behind the Transport Department, and the valley’s command is now managed here by Armed Police DIGs.

Since New Baneshwor and Maitighar areas frequently witness protests, rallies, and sit-ins, relocating the battalion was meant to enhance coordination. The location also houses important government offices and establishments, making it strategically important for security.