Japan is preparing to enhance its security capabilities by expanding industrial and military cooperation with Australia and India. Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi will discuss expanding collaboration in warships, drones, and stealth technologies during his visits. Delays in U.S. weapons supplies and increasing Chinese assertiveness have compelled Japan to prioritize regional partnerships. Kathmandu, August 17—Japan is opening new fronts in its defense capabilities by deepening ties beyond the United States. Amid growing uncertainties in American arms supplies, Tokyo is set to strengthen industrial relations with Australia and India. This week, Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi will visit both countries, aiming to boost cooperation in warship production, stealth technology, and drone manufacturing.
Analysts note that conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine could deplete allied stocks of U.S. weapons. According to Japanese media, Koizumi will embark on a three-day trip starting Tuesday. In Canberra, he will hold a trilateral meeting with Australia and New Zealand defense ministers where discussions will include a proposal to export Japan’s advanced Mogami-class frigates to New Zealand. In New Delhi, Koizumi is scheduled to meet Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh to discuss defense equipment cooperation. Japan plans to export its Unicorn stealth communication systems to India.
Rintaro Inouka, a researcher at the Tokyo-based Institute of Geoeconomics, explained that Japan traditionally relied heavily on the U.S. during emergencies. However, he noted, “Due to limited U.S. production capacity, insufficient stockpiles, and long waiting lists, Washington may not be able to rapidly fulfill Japan’s demands.” Consequently, collaboration with like-minded countries such as Australia and India has become increasingly vital. Inouka suggested that Japan might co-produce missiles and drones with its partners. As these weapons are rapidly consumed during wartime, production sustained solely by peacetime domestic demand would be challenging.
Inouka added that prolonged modern conflicts, as seen in Ukraine and the Middle East, require extensive expenditure on arms and equipment. “Therefore, Japan must prepare to maintain reliable defense capabilities and confront extended conflicts.” Ongoing disputes with Iran and persistent use of airborne defense technologies have strained U.S. weapon stockpiles. The Pentagon has urged defense contractors to accelerate production. Nonetheless, former U.S. President Donald Trump has publicly stated that there is no shortage of weapons, asserting on social media that “the U.S. has ample stock of certain weapon types.”
In May, Wellington indicated interest in purchasing Japanese Mogami-class frigates to replace their aging Anzac-class warships. Australia had already selected these frigates last year. According to Inouka, Wellington is highly likely to choose Mogami frigates, which would allow New Zealand to share platforms closely with the Australian Navy. New Zealand heavily depends on Canberra for warship maintenance and prioritizes interoperability with the Australian Navy. “Compared to American and British competitors, Japan can offer a relatively reliable delivery timeline,” Inouka explained.
The UK had sought to offer its multi-role surface warship, the Type 31 frigate. Yoichiro Sato, professor of international relations at Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, noted Tokyo’s diplomatic and capability-building efforts with other maritime middle powers in the region. He stated, “This move is driven by China’s aggressive maritime activities and claims in the East China Sea, South China Sea, and Western Pacific Ocean.” He also pointed out that “America’s unpredictable role has undermined the credibility of collective defense commitments in the Indo-Pacific region.”
Discussions between Koizumi and his counterparts are expected to focus on growing security cooperation among China, Russia, and North Korea. They will pay particular attention to the ‘grey-zone’ threats Beijing has created in the South and East China Seas. Inouka identified drone development, especially systems designed to protect military bases, as a potential area for Japan-India cooperation. “This visit could yield practical outcomes,” he said.
Another key interest area could be jet fighters. Japan plans to send its F-2 fighter jets to India for joint exercises for the first time, according to Japanese media citing government sources. Earlier in 2023, the countries conducted their first bilateral fighter air defense drills in Japan, involving F-2 jets. Sato explained, “India is unlikely to purchase F-35s. The multirole F-2 could attract India’s interest.”
Last year, New Delhi indicated its reluctance to buy Lockheed Martin’s F-35s, prioritizing indigenous production partnerships. India’s decision stems from stringent U.S. technology transfer restrictions and the need to protect its own fighter jet projects. Inouka emphasized that defense equipment cooperation is also possible, including export and co-development of Unicorn stealth systems used on Mogami-class frigates. Both sides reached a principle agreement on technical details during the Japan-India summit in July, signaling greater bilateral defense-industrial collaboration. Purnendra Jain, emeritus professor of Asian studies at the University of Adelaide and an expert on Japan, echoed this view, noting, “Defense equipment transfers are complex. India traditionally imports many weapons from Russia but is increasingly focusing on joint development.”
India continues to procure military equipment from Moscow, with over 60% of its defense hardware being of Soviet or Russian origin, necessitating ongoing maintenance and upgrades. However, supply delays have slowed sales. Indigenous production and shifts toward Western suppliers have further impacted sales volumes. Japan has also accelerated trilateral defense cooperation with Australia and New Zealand. According to Jain, these developments are driven by the challenge posed by China. Beijing recently tested nuclear-capable missiles in international waters of the South Pacific.
Referring to Japan’s Defense White Paper released on August 4, Jain stated that it identified China as “the greatest strategic challenge.” These factors have motivated Tokyo to expand regional security partnerships while maintaining its military alliance with Washington, aiming to strengthen defense integration.
