Author: space4knews

April 21, Kathmandu – On the evening of April 18, 2026, Palantir Technologies published a post from its official X account that caused significant turmoil in technology, politics, and global security sectors.

The concise 22-point manifesto titled “The Technological Republic” encapsulates the essence of CEO Alexander C. Karp and Chief Corporate Affairs Officer Nicholas W. Jamiška’s acclaimed book, The Technological Republic.

Published in 2025 and topping the New York Times bestseller list, the summary of this book eventually took the form of a formal corporate manifesto.

This manifesto strongly critiques Silicon Valley’s traditional consumer-centric culture, hollow pluralism, and regressive inclusiveness, urging technology to be transformed into an infallible instrument of national security and hard power.

It challenges Silicon Valley to pay its moral debt and stand firmly for the nation’s defense. The post garnered over 20 million views shortly after release, sparking thousands of reactions and widespread debate worldwide.

Some intellectual circles interpret it as a genuine awakening of Western civilization, while others view it as a proclamation of an AI-powered surveillance state.

The company’s name itself is inspired by the all-seeing Palantír stones from the famous work The Lord of the Rings, which possess the power of foresight.

Post-9/11 Data-Driven Warfare: Rise and Evolution

Palantir Technologies began its journey in 2003 in Palo Alto, California, founded by figures such as Peter Thiel, Alexander Karp, Joe Lonsdale, Stephen Cohen, and Nathan Gettings.

After its IPO in 2020, Palantir’s valuation soared into the billions of dollars. Between 2023 and 2025, it launched its AI platform transforming operations of major organizations with artificial intelligence.

The tragic events of September 11, 2001, exposed the serious issue faced by U.S. intelligence agencies in integrating fragmented data sets from multiple sources. To address this, venture capital firm In-Q-Tel, connected with the CIA, invested in Palantir, leading to the development of the Gotham platform.

This platform offered unprecedented capabilities by integrating complex databases and enabling intelligence agencies to analyze enemy activities and potential threats. The company’s early mission was to make data smarter and more usable to identify terrorists.

In 2008, Palantir signed its first major contract with the U.S. military, deepening ties with powerful agencies like the NSA, FBI, and CIA. Moving into the 2010s, the company expanded into commercial sectors through the Foundry platform, providing complex data analytics to banking, healthcare, and manufacturing companies.

Following its 2020 IPO, Palantir’s valuation reached several billion dollars, and from 2023 to 2025, it launched an AI platform that integrated AI deeply into major institutions’ operations. Expanding services to allied countries such as the UK, Canada, and Australia, Palantir earned a spot in the S&P 500 index in 2024.

Behind this commercial success lies a philosophy elaborated in October 2024 by CTO Shyam Shankar in ‘The Defense Reformation’—18 theses addressing the Pentagon’s monopolistic procurement problems, reviving the industrial base, and the need for healthy competition in national security, positioning Palantir as not merely a software company but an essential national security entity.

The Palantir Manifesto: Theoretical Foundation of The Technological Republic

Rooted in the ideological reflections of CEO Alex Karp and Nicholas Jamiška, the manifesto redefines the relationship between technology and national power in the modern era.

Central to the manifesto is the concept of Silicon Valley’s moral debt to the nation, calling on the elite engineering class not to limit themselves to building apps and software but to become active participants in national defense.

It argues for rebellion against the current ‘app dominance,’ stating devices like the iPhone cannot be considered the pinnacle of civilization. The message is clear: free email and digital conveniences are not enough; relevance of the ruling class and cultural leadership lies in delivering economic growth and guarantees of security.

Another significant aspect highlights the limits of soft power and the inevitability of hard power. The manifesto claims democratic society’s defense cannot rely solely on moral appeals or emotional rhetoric; instead, real power in the 21st century is software-based. The debate over whether artificial intelligence becomes a weapon is obsolete—the real question is who makes it and for what purpose.

Born in the context of the post-9/11 surveillance state, the post-COVID expanded collaboration between technology and government, and the great power rivalry between China, Russia, and the West, the manifesto stresses that adversaries will not hesitate, urging the democratic world to embrace a new era of AI-based defense systems, recognizing their emergence as a new form of power after the nuclear age.

The manifesto also calls for broad social and political reforms. It proposes making national service a mandatory duty for all citizens rather than relying solely on volunteer armies, suggesting that just as soldiers demand quality rifles, producing superior software for modern warfare is equally imperative.

It emphasizes the importance of forgiveness in public life, resisting religious intolerance, and promoting genuinely progressive values rather than retrogressive inclusion.

While appreciating America’s long-standing role in maintaining world peace, it advocates for supporting visionary entrepreneurs like Elon Musk and reconsidering the post-war military neutrality of countries like Germany and Japan, thereby presenting bold geopolitical ideas.

Ultimately, it urges abandoning ‘hollow pluralism’ and making technology the protective shield for civilization and national pride.

The Naked Truth of Technology, National Security, and Power Struggles in Palantir’s Manifesto

The manifesto arose amid the global environment shaped by post-9/11 surveillance states, increased government-technology synergy after the COVID pandemic, and intense geopolitical conflicts with powers such as China and Russia.

Palantir views the end of the ‘peace dividend’ following Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea and China’s military buildup in the South China Sea. It describes the current world as an ‘undeclared emergency,’ declaring that technology can no longer be confined to commercial purposes.

The most striking revelation is Palantir’s open embrace of ‘techno-nationalism,’ marking a decisive break from Silicon Valley’s luxury culture fixated on consumer apps, neglecting the serious aspects of national security.

This shift represents an exposé, as previously Palantir had advocated ‘privacy by design’ and civil liberties. The current manifesto clarifies balancing privacy and utility will ultimately be resolved based on ‘national interest.’

Applications now integral to Palantir’s hard power philosophy include AI-based ‘kill chains’ in Gaza conflicts and predictive analytics for migrant control. The manifesto harshly criticizes so-called ‘woke’ culture, viewed as weakening national identity and labeled as a regressive step.

Palantir’s controversies are numerous and complex. In 2019, employees opposed a contract with ICE, and collaboration with the New York Police Department stirred intense criticism of predictive policing. The company faces allegations of privacy law violations in Europe and accusations from human rights groups over assisting the Israeli military in Gaza with its AI system ‘Lavender.’

Despite internal leaks such as ‘Palantir Papers,’ its influence and power continue to grow. In 2025, Palantir secured a $30 million contract with the U.S. immigration agency for an Immigration Lifestyle Operating System tracking arrests and deportations via AI.

In November 2025, a landmark $1 billion, 10-year contract with the U.S. military further solidified its monopoly in defense. Reports indicate preparations for a mega-database project combining data from the Social Security Administration and Internal Revenue Service.

On social media, Palantir is criticized as a ‘warmonger’ and collaborator in AI-driven mass violence, especially regarding the controversial use of the ‘Lavender’ system in Gaza.

Elon Musk’s Dogecoin division’s hiring of former Palantir employees and the disputed UK NHS contract indicate Palantir’s evolution from a mere software provider to a fundamental digital backbone of modern state operations.

Philosophical Reflection: Technology, Realism, and Democratic Future

This manifesto is more than a corporate document; it embodies deep philosophical discourse. CEO Alex Karp, who holds a PhD in philosophy, connects influences from thinkers like Jürgen Habermas and Isaiah Berlin to technology and values.

He argues technology is never neutral and the Western world cannot win global politics based only on ‘soft beliefs.’ Hard power is essential, where AI assumes the role of power balancing akin to nuclear weapons in the modern era.

Proposals to remilitarize Germany and Japan, praise billionaires, and mandate national service reflect Peter Thiel’s realist vision of international relations.

Yet, the manifesto has sparked intense international criticism and skepticism. Bloomberg described it as a “mix of a call to war and a commercial ad,” while tech media like Engadget likened it to delusions of a fictional villain.

Human rights organizations question the ethics of Palantir’s AI tools, particularly in war zones like Gaza, underscoring serious moral concerns.

Bellincat’s CEO Elliot Higgins interprets the manifesto as an assault on democratic pillars like verification, debate, and accountability, attributing Palantir’s ideology to political motives aimed at revenue expansion.

In U.S. politics, influential leaders such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Jamie Raskin express concerns over civil rights violations in immigration and surveillance. Senator Ron Wyden calls for transparency and rule of law accountability. A 2025 open letter by former employees accused the firm of monopolizing AI decision-making by breaking ethical data use standards.

Despite these critiques, respected scholars like Niall Ferguson and Walter Isaacson support Palantir’s campaign as a “New Manhattan Project” for the modern age, necessary to protect democracy amid geopolitical instability.

The manifesto stands at a crossroads between strengthening national security resolve and casting grave uncertainty over individual freedoms and democratic values.

The Technological Republic and Democratic Future: A Critical Reflection

Palantir’s manifesto is primarily grounded in classical utilitarianism, measuring technology’s ultimate value by improvements in people’s lives.

However, a complex question arises: who defines ‘improvement’ and its limits? When a private tech company regards identifying, monitoring, and potentially eliminating ‘enemies’ as improvement under national security, human values and the meaning of progress become blurred.

Palantir’s role in Middle Eastern conflicts has placed it at the center of tension between free market ideals and national interests in the tech sector.

While attempting to redefine the West as a distinct cultural and political power, the manifesto risks undermining pluralism, inclusivity, and democratic accountability—pillars of Western democracy.

Though it advocates human-centered AI in critical decisions like war, doubts remain about the effectiveness of human judgment amid fast algorithmic choices. Secrecy surrounding proprietary algorithms raises serious concerns about transparency and the rule of law.

Looking forward, the manifesto envisions a new era of AI-based defense where software becomes real hard power. Palantir foresees a ‘Technological Republic’ era where elite technologists cooperate with the state to manage major national projects.

While including calls to reform Pentagon procurement and break defense monopolies, critics caution that this path may lead to a dystopian surveillance state and social control infrastructure.

With federal contracts nearing a billion dollars as of 2025, this trend appears set to grow, intensifying geopolitical restructuring and increasing pressure on democratic institutions.

The manifesto has drawn varied global reactions. In the U.S., it clarifies the technology-politics divide, described by defense experts as a ‘blueprint for a renaissance,’ yet criticized by technology media for militarism and anti-inclusivity.

In Europe, privacy issues deepen, and proposals to remilitarize Germany and Japan risk diplomatic tensions. China and Russia interpret it as evidence of U.S. tech dominance, while Amnesty International and others raise serious ethical questions.

Palantir’s involvement in the Middle East conflicts has made it the focal point of tensions between the ideals of a free market and national interests within the tech world.

Overall, Palantir’s manifesto is not just a 22-point list but an autobiography of a company striving not just to collect data, but to create new values.

History shows that an all-seeing power like Palantir reveals the truth but may also distort it under the influence of power’s intoxication. The central question now is: are we ready to live in a ‘technological republic’ where efficiency and effectiveness surpass human values?

Technology is no longer merely a tool; it has become powerful politics. As Elliot Higgins states, these points are not floating philosophies but blueprints of our near future. Whether it will save the West or build a new surveillance empire will shape the true character of this century.

A new and powerful voice calling for ‘the state’s apology for historical injustice’ has recently emerged in Nepali politics.

The government led by the Rastriya Swatantra Party, which secured nearly a two-thirds majority in the February 21 election, and senior leader Balendra Shah (Balen) has declared centuries-old discrimination against Dalits a ‘systematic crime,’ announcing plans for formal apologies and a reform package.

This announcement has raised hopes in Dalit communities, but many question whether mere apologies can erase the suffering of thousands of Musahar, Dom, and Chamar families. These families have endured sixteen years of open-air living after their huts were demolished during state housing initiatives promising permanent homes. Is an apology alone sufficient to deliver justice for them?

The ‘Public Housing Program,’ running for 16 years, reflects the government’s sluggish administration and policy corruption. Initiated grandly in 2066/67 BS (2009/10), the program aimed to provide housing to 55,970 families. However, nearly 25,000 houses remain incomplete, and 19,645 houses are completely stalled. Data from the Economic Survey 2081/82 (2024/25) show that about 35 percent of the target remains unfulfilled. Although federalism has extended authority to local levels, honest service has yet to reach the poor.

Gap Between Housing Ownership and Constitutional Rights

Data concerning homeownership—the primary indicator of housing status—show very slow progress in Nepal over the past decade. The 2068 BS (2011) census indicated 85.26 percent of families lived in their own homes; by 2078 BS (2021), this had only increased to 86 percent. This translates to less than 1 percent growth in ownership over ten years. Furthermore, around 12.8 percent of families rent their homes, excluding them from owning housing rights.

The program launched in 2066/67 BS targeted housing for 55,970 families, but after 16 years, 25,000 homes remain incomplete and 19,645 entirely stalled.

Despite the government’s ambition to provide secure housing for all Nepalis by 2080 BS (2023/24), nearly 2 million houses still require construction two years past the deadline. Due to delays and decades-old incomplete projects, this goal remains distant.

According to the 2078 BS national census, clear ethnic and regional disparities exist in housing. Non-Dalits have 40.4 percent access to cement-plastered homes, a key indicator of secure housing, whereas Dalits only have 20 percent access. Conditions are especially dire for Dalits in the Terai region.

The census reveals that nearly 41.3 percent of Dalit families in Terai still live in huts, regularly exposed to frostbite, fire hazards, and other risks. The stalled housing initiatives over 16 years have further worsened their living conditions.

Sixteen Years of Unfulfilled Dreams

Although the Constitution of Nepal guarantees housing as a fundamental right, the 16-year history of the Public Housing Program attests to the state’s sluggishness and indifference toward the poor.

Economic Survey data from 2081/82 reveal thousands of Dalits and marginalized people remain homeless despite the demolition of their makeshift shelters.

Significant Gap Between Targets and Progress

According to the Economic Survey 2081/82, progress since the program’s inception is as follows:

Table 1: Overall Status of the Public Housing Program (From 2066/67 to Falgun 2081)

This table shows that in sixteen years, the state has only fulfilled approximately 35 percent of its housing targets. The 19,645 stalled houses are not mere statistics but represent the suffering of Musahar, Dom, and Chamar families who for over a decade have endured harsh weather sleeping with no protective roofs.

Accountability Lapses in Federal and Provincial Governments

Comparing the program’s implementation during federal and provincial government tenures reveals the state’s slow pace more clearly:

Table 2: Comparison of Performance Between Federal and Provincial Governments

When the federal government handed over the program to provincial governments in 2075/76 BS (2018/19), 38,884 houses were incomplete. Although provinces have worked somewhat faster than the federal government, nearly 20,000 houses remain stalled, raising serious questions about federalism’s effectiveness.

State of Public Housing by Province:

The Office of the Auditor General’s report shows provincial housing construction status varies but challenges are consistent. Notably, Madhesh Province exhibits ethnic discrimination in housing grants while other provinces display incomplete targets highlighting the struggles of impoverished families.
Table 3: Housing Progress and Incomplete Houses by Province (Up to 2080/81)

*Note: For Karnali Province, the report reflects total completed houses but notes the current year’s targets remain unmet, and a 9 million NPR plan has not been implemented.

Internal Provincial Disparities

The latest audit report clearly highlights delays and policy inconsistencies among provinces. Although federalism was meant to bring the state closer to citizens’ doorsteps, data reveals provincial governments remain mired in administrative inefficiency, failing the poor population.

Dual Justice and Structural Discrimination: The housing challenges in Madhesh Province are particularly contradictory and unjust. Despite enacting a Dalit Empowerment Act proclaiming their rights, the province has discriminated ethnically in housing subsidies. While non-Dalits receive 560,000 NPR for Mahendranarayan Nidhi housing, Dalits receive only 350,000 NPR under the Public Housing Program.

This 210,000 NPR disparity in the same geographical region with identical market values is not only political but also reflects the state’s insensitivity and institutionalized ethnic injustice.

This disparity is rooted in ethnic supremacy embedded in the state’s mindset. The ongoing presence of 3,062 incomplete housing units in Madhesh confirms that vulnerable communities such as Musahar, Sada, and Dom still live in huts.

Madhesh Province allocates 560,000 NPR per house for non-Dalit/vulnerable groups under Mahendranarayan Nidhi housing, whereas only 350,000 NPR is assigned to Dalits in Public Housing.

The situation is difficult in Koshi Province as well, where over 15 percent of houses remain incomplete, and 984 houses transferred from the federal government have been stalled for extended periods.

As the federal government attempts to relinquish responsibility, provincial governments have yet to assume full ownership, revealing coordination failures and administrative weaknesses.

In Lumbini and Karnali provinces, budgets exist, but housing construction lags. Lumbini has 342 incomplete houses, while Karnali’s situation is even worse. Failing to execute the 9.31 million NPR plan in Karnali signals the state’s insensitivity toward the poor.

The Auditor General has advised all provinces to provide housing to targeted groups on time and maintain transparency through beneficiary registration. This stark reality shows that despite houses being recorded on paper, many settlements still have leaking roofs and broken floors. This is not just an administrative failure but a profound violation of citizens’ rights by the state.

Middlemen Manipulation and Ignoring Market Prices

The Public Housing Program, as explained by the Auditor General, has often benefited intermediaries rather than the poor. Even though 85% of the budget was expended during federal government implementation, 25,000 houses remain unfinished, indicating that funds were likely diverted to commissions rather than construction.

Intermediaries have supplied construction materials instead of direct subsidies to beneficiaries, resulting in substantial exploitation.

The federal government has pledged to announce a reform package within 15 days, which must go beyond promises. This should include forming a high-level investigation committee to prepare technical cost estimates for stalled houses and legally pursue corrupt actors.

Currently, the biggest challenge lies in budgeting based on decade-old cost estimates. With prices of materials and labor having doubled, the state clinging to outdated budgets necessitates reevaluation, increasing grant amounts, and procedural reforms.

Challenges Beyond Apology: The Road Ahead

Balendra Shah, a son of Madhesh, understands the plight of Dalits forced to live under open skies in extreme cold. A reform package must be announced within fifteen days—not as a political show but with substance: establishing a high-level inquiry panel, technical cost assessments of incomplete houses, and strict legal action against corruption.

An apology in parliament will have meaning only when children of Dom and Musahar families in Madhesh no longer sleep on the streets during the rainy season but in safe houses. Fulfilling this responsibility is a historic task for the Balen government. If houses remain incomplete and budgets stay outdated, the apology risks becoming mere political theater and a further mockery of Dalit poverty.

April 20 (7 Baishakh), Kathmandu – Following the formation of the new government led by Balendra Shah, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, Samir Paul Kapur, has arrived in Kathmandu. Kapur is the first senior diplomat to visit Nepal since the establishment of the Balendra government.

The visit is seen as an effort to deepen relations with the new government and the Rastriya Swatantra Party (Raswapa), which is leading the government.

Kapur landed at Tribhuvan International Airport at about 6:15 a.m. on Monday and held his first meeting with Ravi Lamichhane, chairman of the ruling Raswapa. During the meeting, discussions focused on areas of cooperation between the United States and Nepal.

“It was a pleasure to meet in Kathmandu. I had an opportunity to understand the priorities of the National Independent Party of the new government and discuss areas of U.S.-Nepal cooperation,” Kapur said. Both sides have not revealed the specific sectors covered during talks.

On the same day in the afternoon, Kapur also held discussions with U.S. industry leaders regarding expanding American business opportunities in Nepal’s information technology sector.

According to the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs, these talks covered strengthening digital infrastructure, increasing the use of artificial intelligence, bolstering cybersecurity, and exchanging American technical expertise.

In October last year, U.S. President Donald Trump appointed Kapur as Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs, succeeding Donald Lu in this role. Kapur’s visit is scheduled for three days; he is set to meet Nepal’s Foreign Minister and Finance Minister on Tuesday.

A meeting with Prime Minister Balendra Shah has not been confirmed yet. Earlier, Kapur also visited Bangladesh after the formation of their new government to discuss bilateral relations.