Author: space4knews

May 27, Kathmandu – Former Prime Minister and UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli, and former Home Minister and Congress leader Ramesh Lekhak have been released from custody, but investigations remain ongoing.

Despite their release, the police have clarified that the investigation is far from complete and is actively continuing.

Spokesperson and Superintendent of Police at Kathmandu District Police Office, Pawan Kumar Bhattarai, confirmed that the case is still under investigation.

“It is incorrect to assume that the investigation ended with their release from custody. The police have been continuously performing necessary tasks. The investigation against them is ongoing,” said Bhattarai.

Earlier, Rachana Khadka, a Member of Parliament from the Rastriya Swatantra Party, raised the issue in parliament, criticizing the government for ignoring victims and martyrs of the Jenajeti Movement. She questioned when those responsible for opening fire during the movement would be held accountable in court.

The police have stated they are actively collecting evidence and progressing with the investigation. Oli and Lekhak were released on March 26, on court orders, following 13 days of custody. During this period, the police collected evidence including closed-circuit television (CCTV) footage.

According to senior sources, there is strong pressure on police to expedite the investigation, which has accelerated the ongoing work.

Currently, the police team is studying documents related to autopsies and forensic reports, analyzing CCTV footage, and taking statements from involved individuals and eyewitnesses, Bhattarai said.

Investigators have expressed doubts about the strength of the case despite ongoing evidence collection and the registration of charges. “We are doing our work, but even if the case is registered, there are doubts about its strength,” said an investigation officer.

How the Investigation is Accelerating Following the Commission’s Report

The primary reason the investigation against Oli and Lekhak has gained momentum is the report submitted by the commission led by former Chief Justice Gauri Bahadur Karki. The commission submitted its report to the government on March 13.

The Karki commission recommended taking disciplinary action against Oli and Lekhak. At the time of the Jenajeti Movement, Oli was Prime Minister and Lekhak was Home Minister. The commission held them responsible for the deaths of nearby demonstrators caused by security forces’ firing during the movement.

Accordingly, action was recommended under Sections 181 and 182 of the National Criminal Code. Section 181 penalizes causing death due to negligence.

They are accused of ordering or allowing firing on September 8 during the Jenajeti Movement, failing to prevent it, and exacerbating the situation.

Following the decision to implement the Karki commission report, they were arrested at their residences in Bhaktapur on March 14 and subsequently released on March 26 on bail in accordance with the Supreme Court’s order on March 23.

During the investigation period, the National Human Rights Commission also released its report, classifying Oli and Lekhak as violators of human rights and recommending legal proceedings against them.

Since the publication of this report, interest has increased regarding the progress of investigations against Oli and Lekhak. However, police have stated that they will not directly base their investigations on the Human Rights Commission’s report. “Implementation of that report is a government decision; it does not directly affect us,” said an investigation officer.

Investigation Initially Delayed

Although complaints were filed with police after the Jenajeti Movement, the investigation did not start immediately. Even though the then-interim government had directed immediate arrest and investigation of Oli and Lekhak, the police decided against arresting them at the time, citing lack of sufficient grounds and concerns over security risks. Consequently, the case files were placed on hold.

Nine complaints related to the September 8 Jenajeti Movement were filed at the Kathmandu District Police Office, but according to the Public Prosecutor’s Office, these were shelved on October 14.

Following the formation of a new government, the police revisited the shelved files and reactivated investigations against Oli and Lekhak. Investigation has started based on one of the nine complaints that were previously shelved.

A political earthquake is intensifying in India—the earthquake triggered by the announcement of the Cockroach Janata Party! This new party was formed by youth in response to remarks by India’s Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, who described young people as “lazy, spending excessive time on mobile phones, and becoming like cockroaches in society due to unemployment.”

Initially, Indian youth were expected to undergo a ‘metamorphosis’ and merely mock the government like Gregor Samsa from Kafka’s story, but instead, they have adopted this symbol to protest India’s democracy, which they see as influenced by the RSS. Thousands of young people have begun to voice their desire to be free from this system, declaring, “I am a cockroach, and I want to be free from this system.”

In other words, the Indian youth are attacking systemic issues. Although the outcome remains uncertain, this is the most significant and influential movement since the Naxalite uprising of the 1970s.

The Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), in power since 2014, has not faced opposition of this magnitude before. Despite efforts by Rahul Gandhi to rally millions, success has eluded him. Leaders like Mamata Banerjee have lost elections, and leftist parties are weakening.

Although Arvind Kejriwal offers an alternative political approach, his movement has weakened under Modi’s pressure. For the first time, politically aware young people are challenging the BJP from the streets.

This movement is not just opposition to the BJP but also an expression of frustration and anger against neoliberal economic policies, crony capitalism, and authoritarian governance rooted in Hindu extremism. Yet, the question remains: how sustainable will this new movement be?

Politically premised on socialism, secularism, anti-corruption, and employment, this movement exposes national internal conflicts. However, it is unclear when it will reach the streets or confront state repression. It is also uncertain whether it will merely redecorate the system or rebuild it.

Ironically, Indian youth have taken Nepal’s JNU (Jawaharlal Nehru University) movement as an ideal, which the Shah-led government has ‘hijacked’ from Kathmandu. Caution is necessary to prevent this image from reflecting on themselves.

Where Is the Prime Minister?

There is no doubt that the current Shah government is being run by an opaque group led by Balendra Shah. On the past Tuesday in parliament, when efforts were made to find the prime minister, assurances were given by Speaker D.P. Aryal and RJPN General Secretary Kavindra Burlakoti, but opposition came from the prime minister’s secretariat.

The prime minister neither attends parliament, does not appear in the National Assembly, avoids dialogue with journalists, nor gives public speeches. He does not meet his security or other officials and issues orders only through junior staff in his office.

Government institutions and leaders see him as an adversary. He governs by exerting pressure and instilling fear.

Most strikingly, RJPN MPs and ministers have been rendered powerless, holding fewer rights than regular citizens. Even the Speaker has been humiliated.

RJPN MPs behave as if they were sent to dismantle the parliamentary system. Leaders like Ravi Lamichhane, D.P. Aryal, and Kavindra Burlakoti are all questioning their very existence. On the surface, only their bodies are visible.

The Shah government’s greatest weakness lies in the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP). Though the prime minister is a leader of the RSP faction, he doesn’t represent the party. The government resembles an underground faction from the Panchayat era, where the real governance occurs outside the official seat of power, and the cabinet functions as a façade.

An Imminent Tragic Situation

A story goes that a brother in the village lamented not owning a radio. One day, sitting in a brother’s home that had a radio, he said, “If father dies, I will sell the buffalo and buy a radio too.”

The current government operates with a similar mindset, recklessly spending the resources it holds. Repeated reports emerge of public humiliation and oppression following the eviction of riverside settlements.

While Rana ruler Chandra Shamsher had granted freedom to serfs with dignity, this government seems to be following Ranbahadur Shah’s path.

Policies to intimidate contractors into working have been implemented, and construction entrepreneurs have been humiliated.

Global increases in petroleum prices have hindered material supply. Scaring business owners will not accelerate work.

Arrests of bankers and pressure on industrialists have increased dissatisfaction in the commercial sector. Investment and capital flight continue.

The prime minister’s faction members have threatened government officials, declaring, “The courts and the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority are under our control; we will manipulate laws and procedures.”

Civil society, which opposed extreme partisanship in previous leaderships, is surprised that the current government is pursuing politicization across all sectors.

Despite rising inflation, no relief measures have been taken. Smuggling through border checkpoints continues unchecked, while the daily lives of ordinary citizens become increasingly difficult. The prime minister remains publicly silent on these matters.

Various measures are being deployed to reduce democratic space. Government advertisements in newspapers have stopped, and loyalty is demanded for survival.

According to RJPN MP Amaresh Kumar Singh, relations with both India and China are at their worst. Many ambassadorial positions remain vacant, and no high-level visits have taken place.

Within less than two months, the government’s systemic problems have worsened, maladministration has increased, and fear and discontent have grown among civil society. This is a departure started in reverse gear that risks driving society toward disaster.

Rather than harshly criticizing the government before it completes a hundred days, it may be better to wait. We should hope for positive change.

May 28, Kathmandu – Despite seven months since unification, the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) has yet to create a unified organizational structure.

Thus far, only the central committee has been unified.

On November 4 of last year, the then Maoist Center, Unified Socialist party, NSCA, and other groups merged to form the Nepal Communist Party.

This unification, initiated under the leadership of Convener Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ and Co-Convener Madhav Kumar Nepal, brought together two dozen parties and groups.

Given the large number of groups involved, the size of the central committee has become so vast that regular meetings cannot be held. On January 12, virtual sessions were even required to administer the oath to central members.

Central members took their oath standing in an open field at the party headquarters in Paris Danda or via virtual means. At that time, the central committee was estimated to have 2,300 members. Leadership has since decided to increase this number to 2,500.

Due to the unmanageably large size of the central committee, the party formed a ‘Central Coordination’ committee to make decisions. To date, formal decisions and activities have been handled through this coordination committee.

‘The coordination committee is the only structure currently capable of making party decisions and holding meetings,’ a senior leader says, ‘but even this committee has not made decisions that can accelerate the party’s progress. The unification process has become extremely delayed.’

This coordination committee has been used to publicly present the party’s formal stance on national issues, but there is still no committee in place to properly define the identity of the integrated party to leaders and activists at the grassroots level. Several leaders have openly expressed their dissatisfaction.

‘We have leaders, provincial in-charges, co-in-charges, conveners, and co-conveners,’ states central committee member Osim Alam on social media, ‘yet at the provincial, district, municipal, and ward levels, the organization still reflects the old Maoist Center and Unified Socialist parties. Even the mass organizations remain split.’

Though a merger reportedly occurred among 25 groups, Maoist Center and Unified Socialist being the major constituents, Alam indicates that these two parties’ separate practices persist. Many other leaders share similar grievances.

‘Although the party has existed for seven months, we still operate separately in mass organizations,’ says Madan Dhakal, central vice-president of the revolutionary faction of ANNFSU, ‘in-charges and co-in-charges have been appointed to unify, so we hope to finalize integration soon.’

During ongoing protests against government decisions, student activists affiliated with the NCP continue to use separate banners. Students linked to the Maoists use the ANNFSU (Revolutionary) banner, while those aligned with Unified Socialist carry the ANNFSU banner. Different practices are also evident in leadership and organizational structures.

According to party central office deputy chief Mina Gyawali, no update has been received indicating that integration has been completed.

‘Although integration was expected to be done, no confirmation has come to the central office yet,’ Gyawali adds.

Leaders assert that the main challenge lies at the lower committee levels, which have yet to unify after seven months.

‘It’s been months since the NCP was formed, yet district committees remain separate, as do municipal and metropolitan committees,’ says central member Alam, ‘Meanwhile, the organization is in limbo, and rumors of merging with UML persist among some leaders.’

In the meantime, the party participated in elections held on February 3, suffering a heavy defeat; despite this, the NCP has not completed organizational unification.

Unification Unlikely to Finish by Mid-July

The coordination committee’s meeting held on April 26 decided to finalize organizational integration by the end of July.

The NCP has announced a national unification convention to be held between November 26 and 30. Plans are in place to start membership renewal from mid-June.

Given the current pace, it appears unlikely that party integration will be completed by mid-July.

Although in-charges for geography and mass organizations have been appointed to move the process forward, no significant progress has been reported.

Lakshman KC for youth, Ramdeep Acharya for workers, and Ratna Dhakal for students have been entrusted with completing the integration of youth organizations. A front coordination committee led by Rajendra Pandey has been formed to finalize all mass organization integration.

‘Discussions to finalize integration are underway. Leaders responsible are organizing meetings,’ says central office head Ganeshman Pun, ‘and main integration tasks are planned to be completed within this month.’

Leaders indicate that coordinators and co-coordinators in mass organizations are being appointed. Once these positions are finalized, the central committee will be formed, and the process to unify lower committees will proceed. However, no mass organization integration has been accomplished yet.

Specific leaders have been assigned to organize integration geographically. Rajendra Rai serves as in-charge and Harka Nembang as convener in Province 1, overseeing provincial, district, and local committee integration.

In the Madhesh region, Mahendra Rai Yadav is in-charge with Raju Khadka as convener; Bagmati has Gangalal Tuladhar as in-charge and Saral Sahayatri as convener; Gandaki has Devendra Paudel as in-charge and Krishna Nepali as convener; Lumbini has Chakrapani Khanal as in-charge and Abdul Hussain as convener.

Karnali has Chandra Bahadur Shahi as in-charge and Bimala KC as convener, while Sudurpashchim has Bhanubhakta Joshi as in-charge and Hariram Chaudhary as convener, all actively working on integration.

‘The integration of provinces and districts is progressing; some provinces have held meetings, and dates are scheduled for others,’ Pun explains. He notes that meetings in Lumbini are set for June 1-2 and in Gandaki for May 31.

May 28, Kathmandu – The government has issued its first-ever open call for ambassador appointments. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has invited interested candidates to submit applications by June 5. Along with the call, the ministry has also published guidelines detailing required qualifications and work scope.

Applicants must be at least 35 years old to be eligible for the ambassador position. Given the senior nature of the role, a minimum educational qualification of a bachelor’s degree is required. Higher academic qualifications and work experience will be given priority.

The Ministry will screen all applications and recommend suitable candidates to the Cabinet. The Cabinet will endorse qualified individuals for ambassadorial posts, and the President will issue appointment orders following parliamentary hearings. After appointment, ambassadors are required to sign a performance agreement with the ministry before assuming their duties abroad.

This open call follows the Cabinet-approved ‘Ambassador Appointment Directive, 2075’ with amendments from 2078 and 2079 (Nepali calendar).

What Are the Qualifications and Conditions?

According to the directive, candidates for ambassador posts must fulfill the following criteria:

• Be a Nepali citizen at least 35 years of age.
• Hold at minimum a bachelor’s degree from a university recognized by the Nepal government.
• Must not have been dismissed from government service or convicted for corruption or moral turpitude.
• Must not hold permanent or temporary residency permits from any foreign country.
• Possess experience in Nepal’s foreign policy, international relations, or diplomacy, and have proficiency in English.
• Must have no conflicts of interest in the proposed host country and shall not be employed by any NGO or foreign aid agency operating there.
• If previously appointed in a paid position with a foreign government, at least 10 years must have passed since then.
• Preference will be given to candidates with a master’s degree in international relations, political science, law, economics, or public administration, who have leadership experience in diplomacy or senior government or corporate roles, and who can speak the language of the proposed host country.

How to Apply?

Qualified candidates can complete the designated application form available on the ministry’s website and submit it along with personal information either to the Minister’s Secretariat or via online submission.

The ministry will conduct initial screening of applications and make recommendations to the Cabinet. Following Cabinet decisions, parliamentary committee hearings, and obtaining consent from the host country, the President will formally appoint the ambassadors.

May 28, Kathmandu – Finance Minister Dr. Swarnim Wagle on Wednesday presented the “Economic Survey 2082/083.” In his address, Minister Wagle asserted that the practice of federalism has led to improvements in economic and social development indicators across all three tiers of government.

The Economic Survey 2082/083 highlights that with the implementation of the federal governance system, there have been notable advancements in the economic and social indicators at the federal, provincial, and local levels.

According to the survey, the economic growth rates of Bagmati and Gandaki Provinces surpass the national average. Since the introduction of fiscal federalism, the survey indicates that provincial and local governments have maintained savings in their accumulated funds.

The government states that post the federalism rollout, provinces and local bodies have increasingly become the focal points for development, construction, and the delivery of services.

The federal structure has prompted institutional development in budgeting and planning systems, expansion of administrative frameworks, improvement in intergovernmental coordination, and the provision of services at a more localized level, according to the government.

The Economic Survey captures a comprehensive picture of the national economy, incorporating public finance, monetary and financial sectors, and external sector dynamics, alongside comments on economic growth.

For the fiscal year 2082/083, the total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) at current prices is estimated at NPR 66.09 trillion, with Bagmati Province contributing the largest share of 36.7% and Karnali Province the smallest at 4.2%.

Other provinces’ shares are estimated as follows: Koshi Province at 15.8%, Lumbini Province at 14.2%, Madhesh Province 13.1%, Gandaki Province 9.0%, and Sudurpaschim Province 7.0%, according to the survey.

The survey projects economic growth increases across all provinces for the current fiscal year. However, except for Bagmati and Gandaki, the growth rates in other provinces are expected to remain below the national average of 3.85%.

Within provincial GDP composition for the current year, the primary sector has the highest contribution in Madhesh Province at 35.1% and the lowest in Bagmati Province at 11.8%.

The secondary sector’s contribution peaks in Gandaki Province at 18.4% and is lowest in Karnali Province at 9.9%.

The service sector’s share is highest in Bagmati Province at 76.5% and lowest in Koshi Province at 49.9%, as per the survey.

Regarding national agricultural production, Koshi Province holds the largest share at 21.4%, while Karnali Province has the smallest at 5.5%.

Madhesh Province contributes 19%, Lumbini 17.6%, and Bagmati 17.2% to national agricultural output, the survey reveals.

Sudurpaschim and Gandaki Provinces have respective shares of 9.8% and 9.6% in national agriculture production.

In industrial input to provincial GDP, Gandaki Province leads with 19.0%, followed by Koshi at 17.7%, Lumbini at 15.3%, and Sudurpaschim at 13.9%. Karnali Province has the smallest industrial share at 10.1%.

Bagmati and Madhesh Provinces each contribute 12.2% to the industrial sector in GDP, according to the survey.

In FY 2082/083, Bagmati Province’s per capita GDP is estimated to be the highest at $2,644, while Madhesh Province’s is the lowest at $934.

Bagmati and Gandaki Provinces’ per capita GDP figures exceed the national average of $1,513, whereas all other provinces are below this average.

Specifically, Koshi is projected at $1,410, Lumbini $1,208, Sudurpaschim $1,170, and Karnali $1,108 per capita GDP.

The survey shows annual consumer inflation as of Falgun 2082, with Madhesh Province highest at 4.74% and Sudurpaschim Province lowest at 2.28%.

Other provinces’ inflation rates are: Koshi 4.57%, Bagmati 3.11%, Gandaki 2.67%, Lumbini 4.29%, and Karnali 3.07%.

In FY 2081/82, Karnali Province recorded the highest ratios of expenditure and revenue to provincial GDP at 7.22% and 3.22%, respectively.

Conversely, Bagmati Province showed the lowest expenditure and revenue ratios at 1.91% and 1.93%, respectively. The survey explains this is due to Bagmati’s substantial GDP share of 36.0%, resulting in lower relative shares of revenue and expenditure.

Sudurpaschim’s expenditure and revenue ratios were 4.79% and 2.29%, Gandaki’s 3.85% and 2.07%, and Madhesh’s 3.63% and 1.63%, respectively.

The survey notes Lumbini Province’s expenditure and revenue ratios at 2.98% and 1.75%, and Koshi’s at 2.70% and 1.66%, respectively.

Total provincial expenditure increased by 8.0% to NPR 198.8 billion in FY 2081/82. Of this, current and capital expenses accounted for 39.1% and 60.9%, respectively.

In FY 2080/81, provincial expenditure decreased by 10.1%, totaling NPR 184.11 billion, the survey indicates.

Within provincial expenditures, capital expenditure had the highest proportion in Madhesh Province at 68.8%, and the lowest in Koshi Province at 49.0% during FY 2081/82.

The survey highlights a decline in capital expenditure’s share in Sudurpaschim, Gandaki, Bagmati, and Koshi Provinces compared to the previous fiscal year, while other provinces saw an increase.

As of Falgun this fiscal year, total provincial expenditures decreased 13.1% to NPR 5.954 billion, with expenditure dropping in all provinces except Madhesh.

The survey notes Koshi Province experienced the steepest decline in provincial expenditures, falling by 30.2%.

Up to Falgun this fiscal year, Bagmati Province bore the highest share of provincial expenditure at 0.25, while Madhesh Province held the lowest at 0.09, according to the survey.

Provincial expenditures accounted for 20.7% of the budget at Falgun, down from 24.6% in the same period last fiscal year.

Among provincial expenditures, Lumbini Province had the highest share at 27.6%, and Madhesh Province had the lowest at 11.6%.

As of Ashad 2082, all provinces have reported positive savings in their accumulated funds, totaling NPR 3.665 billion. In contrast, the accumulated fund was NPR 4.809 billion at the end of Ashad 2081.

Local government total expenditures increased by 3.2% to NPR 4.374 trillion in FY 2081/82, the survey states. In FY 2080/81, local expenditure had declined by 6.6% to NPR 4.238 trillion.

Within local expenditures in FY 2081/82, current expenses represented 65.2%, capital expenses 34.7%, and financial management-related costs 0.1%.

In FY 2080/81, these shares stood at 66.0%, 33.9%, and 0.1%, respectively.

The survey reveals that in FY 2081/82, Sunsari’s Koshi Rural Municipality spent the highest proportion of its capital budget at 97.8%, whereas Janak Nandini Rural Municipality in Dhanusha spent the lowest at 4.4%.

In FY 2080/81, Kaike Rural Municipality in Dolpa spent the highest capital budget proportion at 96.7%, while Fatuwabijaypur Municipality in Rautahat spent the lowest at 13.4%.

While capital expenditure shares in total local government spending had been falling through FY 2080/81, the Economic Survey points to a modest increase in FY 2081/82.

Specifically, capital spending accounted for 39.9% of total expenditures in FY 2077/78, declining to 33.9% in FY 2080/81.

In FY 2081/82, capital expenditure in local governments rose to 34.7% of total spending.

In FY 2081/82, 76.4% of the allocated local budgets were spent, a slight decrease from 76.8% in FY 2080/81.

The capital budget expenditure rate declined to 65.6% from 66.6% over the same period.

Within Sudurpaschim Province local governments, the highest budget utilization was 83.1%, while the lowest among Bagmati Province local governments was 69.1% for FY 2081/82.

Up to Falgun this fiscal year, local government expenditures decreased by 1.5% to NPR 1.9063 trillion. Among this, current and capital expenses comprised 78.9% and 21.9%, respectively.

In the same period last fiscal year, local government expenditure had reduced by 20.6% to NPR 1.9361 trillion, with current and capital spending at 74.6% and 25.4%, respectively.

Capital expenditure by local governments as of Falgun this year amounted to 16.8% of the allocated capital budget, compared to 20.0% during the same period last year.

Among local governments, Bagmati Province’s entities accounted for the highest expenditure share at 0.24, while Karnali’s local bodies contributed the lowest at 0.08, according to the survey.

May 28, Kathmandu – On April 13, the government decided to reduce the number of federal ministries from 22 to 18, aiming to improve administrative efficiency, maintain fiscal discipline, reduce unnecessary operational expenses, and enhance performance management.

Along with the elimination of four ministries, the government formed a new ministry called the Ministry of Science, Technology, and Innovation.

Prioritizing technology and innovation, the government separated the Science and Technology Department from the former Education Ministry and established a dedicated ministry to oversee innovation-related activities.

Initially, there was no mention of creating a ministry focused on innovation during the restructuring process. Former Education Minister Mahavir Pun, who has long advocated for this, expressed concerns at the time.

“From what I see on social media, the current government has not shown a clear commitment to science, technology, research, and innovation,” he stated. “There was a plan to place innovation under the Ministry of Industry, which would weaken the existence of a dedicated Ministry of Science and Technology.”

At that stage, external sources had not indicated any announcement about forming this new ministry; in fact, the government had plans to limit itself to 17 ministries.

Facing growing criticism, the government reversed its stance and decided to establish 18 ministries, adding the Ministry of Science, Technology, and Innovation.

Subsequently, the former minister Mahavir Pun expressed satisfaction with the decision. He had also raised this demand in recent parliamentary sessions and thanked the government for addressing his long-standing request.

On March 21, Pun wrote a letter to the Prime Minister urging the establishment of a Ministry of Science, Technology, Research, and Innovation.

In this letter, he stated that since the time of King Prithvi Narayan Shah, successive rulers and governments had failed to prioritize science, technology, and research, leaving the country economically impoverished.

He also noted that talented, creative, and innovative youth were leaving the country, which prevented the birth of entrepreneurs and creation of employment opportunities.

The government finally established this separate ministry dedicated to innovation, which currently operates under Prime Minister Balendra Shah’s purview.

What is happening now in the ministry that has separated from the Education Ministry? According to Hemraj Aryal, Joint Secretary at the Prime Minister’s Office, the ministry has begun working under its own letterhead.

Efforts to build the ministry’s organizational structure are ongoing within the premises of the former Ministry of Youth and Sports. The signage installation has been completed.

“The ministry has not yet moved into its own building. Once the Youth Ministry’s labor wing shifts and sports fully relocates to the Education Ministry, the Innovation Ministry will take over that building,” Aryal explained. “Although the board is installed, the ministry is still functioning under the Education Ministry’s structure pending completion of remaining arrangements.”

According to Shaileskumar Jhal, Joint Secretary of the former Science and Technology Division, daily operations have already started within the new ministry, though full independence will take some time to achieve.

This is because last fiscal year’s budget was allocated under the combined Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology. The new ministry does not yet have its own separate funding, so work is carried out using the previous ministry’s budget.

The building designated for the ministry’s relocation is not yet fully vacated, so employees from the Science and Technology Division continue to work from within the Education Ministry’s premises while also managing the new ministry’s functions.

The current arrangement is transitional, with the relocation process ongoing to establish a permanent solution.

Both divisions within the Science and Technology sector continue to conduct monitoring, policy work, and daily administrative tasks as scheduled.

“No work has been halted; all activities continue unabated. We have started working under the new ministry’s letterhead while remaining in the old premises,” Jhal said.

This fiscal year, expenditures are still processed through the Education Ministry’s budget system. Although the new ministry lacks a dedicated budget, work has not been impeded. From the next fiscal year, it will operate under its own budget, which the Ministry of Finance is currently preparing.

An organizational and management survey (ONM) is underway to define the ministry’s structure, including staffing levels, departments, and branches.

The Prime Minister’s Office is facilitating this process.

“Once the ONM is finalized and a secretary appointed (the position remains vacant since the division was transferred prior to restructuring), the ministry will become fully operational. Until then, other staff members are carrying out regular duties,” spokesman Aryal said.

Photos: Chandra Ale